Fascism
Fascism
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Fascism, pronounced /ˈfí¦ÊƒÉªzÉ™m/, is a radical and authoritarian nationalist political ideology.[1][2][3][4] Fascists seek to organize a nation on corporatist perspectives; values; and systems such as the political system and the economy.[5][6] Scholars generally consider fascism to be on the far right of the conventional left-right political spectrum,[7][8][9][10][11][12] although some scholars claim that fascism has been influenced by both the left and the right.[13][14]
Fascists believe that a nation is an organic community that requires strong leadership, collective identity, and the will and ability to commit violence and wage war in order to keep the nation strong.[15] Fascists identify violence and war as actions that create national regeneration, spirit and vitality.[16] Fascists claim that culture is created by collective national society and its state, that cultural ideas are what give individuals identity, and thus rejects individualism.[15] In viewing the nation as an integrated collective community, fascists claim that pluralism is a dysfunctional aspect of society, and justify a totalitarian state as a means to represent the nation in its entirety.[17][18] Fascists advocate the creation of a single-party state.[19] Fascist governments forbid and suppress openness and opposition to the fascist state and the fascist movement.[20] Fascism rejects and resists autonomy of cultural or ethnic groups who are not considered part of the fascists' nation and who refuse to assimilate or are unable to be assimilated.[21] Fascists consider attempts to create such autonomy as an affront and threat to the nation.[21]
Fascism presents itself as being an economically trans-class movement that promotes ending economic class conflict to secure national solidarity.[22] Fascism accuses liberalism as a bourgeois movement and Marxism as a proletarian movement for both having created anarchy through support of democracy, freemasonry, materialism, plutocracy, positivism, and rationalism.[23] Fascism believes that economic classes are not capable of properly running a nation, and believes that a merit-based aristocracy of experienced military persons must rule through regimenting a nation's forces of production and securing the nation's independence.[24] Fascists oppose class conflict, blame capitalism and liberal democracies for its creation, and accuse communists of exploiting the concept.[25] Fascism supports a "Third Way" in economic policy, which they believed superior to both the rampant individualism of laissez-faire capitalism and the severe control of state socialism.[26][27]
Following the defeat of the Axis powers in World War II and the publicity surrounding the atrocities committed during the period of fascist governments, the term fascist has been used as a pejorative word,[28] often referring to widely varying movements across the political spectrum.[29]
Etymology
The term fascismo is derived from the Italian word fascio, which means "bundle" or group, and from the Latin word fasces. The fasces, which consisted of a bundle of rods that were tied around an axe, was an ancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civic magistrate. They were carried by his lictors and could be used for corporal and capital punishment at his command.[30][31]
The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.[32] Similar symbols were developed by different fascist movements. For example the Falange symbol is a bunch of arrows joined together by a yoke.[33]
Definitions
Historians, political scientists, and other scholars have engaged in long debates concerning the exact nature of fascism.[34] Since the 1990s, scholars like Stanley Payne, Roger Eatwell, Roger Griffin and Robert O. Paxton have begun to gather a rough consensus on the system's core tenets. Each form of fascism is distinct, leaving many definitions as too wide or too narrow.[35][36]
Griffin wrote:
[Fascism is] a genuinely revolutionary, trans-class form of anti-liberal, and in the last analysis, anti-conservative nationalism. As such it is an ideology deeply bound up with modernization and modernity, one which has assumed a considerable variety of external forms to adapt itself to the particular historical and national context in which it appears, and has drawn a wide range of cultural and intellectual currents, both left and right, anti-modern and pro-modern, to articulate itself as a body of ideas, slogans, and doctrine. In the inter-war period it manifested itself primarily in the form of an elite-led "armed party" which attempted, mostly unsuccessfully, to generate a populist mass movement through a liturgical style of politics and a programme of radical policies which promised to overcome a threat posed by international socialism, to end the degeneration affecting the nation under liberalism, and to bring about a radical renewal of its social, political and cultural life as part of what was widely imagined to be the new era being inaugurated in Western civilization. The core mobilizing myth of fascism which conditions its ideology, propaganda, style of politics and actions is the vision of the nation's imminent rebirth from decadence.[37]
Paxton wrote that fascism is:
a form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion.[38]
Position in the political spectrum
Fascism is normally described as "extreme right",[39] although some writers have found placing fascism on a conventional left-right political spectrum difficult.[40] There is a scholarly consensus that fascism was influenced by both the left and the right.[8] A number of historians have regarded fascism either as a revolutionary centrist doctrine, as a doctrine which mixes philosophies of the left and the right, or as both of those things.[9][10][11]
The historians Eugen Weber,[41] David Renton,[42] and Robert Soucy[43] view fascism as on the ideological right. Rod Stackelberg argues that fascism opposes egalitarianism (particularly racial) and democracy, which according to him are characteristics that make it an extreme right-wing movement.[44] Stanley Payne states that pre-war fascism found a coherent identity through alliances with right-wing movements[45] Roger Griffin argues that since the end of World War II, fascist movements have become intertwined with the radical right, describing certain groups as part of a "fascist radical right".[46][47]
Walter Laqueur says that historical fascism "did not belong to the extreme Left, yet defining it as part of the extreme Right is not very illuminating either", but that it "was always a coalition between radical, populist ('fascist') elements and others gravitating toward the extreme Right".[48] Payne says "fascists were unique in their hostility to all the main established currents, left right and center", noting that they allied with both left and right, but more often the right.[49][50] However, he contends that German Nazism was closer to Russian communism than to any other non-communist system.[51]
The position that fascism is neither right nor left is supported by a number of contemporary historians and sociologists, including Seymour Martin Lipset[52] and Roger Griffin.[53] Griffin argued, "Not only does the location of fascism within the right pose taxonomic problems, there are good ground for cutting this particular Gordian knot altogether by placing it in a category of its own "beyond left and right."[54]
On economic issues, fascists reject ideas of class conflict and internationalism, which are commonly held by Marxists and international socialists, in favour of class collaboration and statist nationalism.[55][56] However, Italian fascism also declared its objection to excessive capitalism, which it called supercapitalism.[57] Zeev Sternhell sees fascism as an anti-Marxist form of socialism.[58]
A number of fascist movements described themselves as a "third force" that was outside the traditional political spectrum altogether.[59] Mussolini promoted ambiguity about fascism's positions in order to rally as many people to it as possible, saying fascists can be "aristocrats or democrats, revolutionaries and reactionaries, proletarians and anti-proletarians, pacifists and anti-pacifists".[60] Mussolini claimed that Italian Fascism's economic system of corporatism could be identified as either state capitalism or state socialism, which in either case involved "the bureaucratisation of the economic activities of the nation."[61] Mussolini described fascism in any language he found useful.[60][62] Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera was critical of both left-wing and right-wing politics, once saying that "basically the Right stands for the maintenance of an economic structure, albeit an unjust one, while the Left stands for the attempt to subvert that economic structure, even though the subversion thereof would entail the destruction of much that was worthwhile".[63]
Roger Eatwell sees terminology associated with the traditional "left-right" political spectrum as failing to fully capture the complex nature of the ideology[64] and many other political scientists have posited multi-dimensional alternatives to the traditional linear left-right spectrum.[65] In some two dimensional political models, such as the Political Compass (where left and right are described in purely economic terms), fascism is ascribed to the economic centre, with its extremism expressing itself on the authoritarianism axis instead.[66]
Fascist as epithet
In political discourse, the term "fascist" is commonly used to denote authoritarian tendencies, but is often used as a pejorative epithet by adherents to both left-wing and right-wing politics to denigrate those with opposing viewpoints. George Orwell wrote in 1944 that "the word 'Fascism' is almost entirely meaningless ... almost any English person would accept 'bully' as a synonym for 'Fascist'".[67] Richard Griffiths argued in 2005 that "fascism" is the "most misused, and over-used word, of our times".[36] "Fascist" is sometimes applied to post-war organisations and ways of thinking that academics more commonly term "neo-fascist".[68]
Historical causes of the rise of fascism
There are a variety of views on what led to the rise of fascism. One view is that fascism in Italy was a response to the perceived failings of democracy, liberalism and Marxism, which were seen as either favouring individualism or internationalism at the expense of the nation.[69][70] Fascism presented itself as a radical nationalist alternative to Bolshevism. It nevertheless incorporated aspects of Bolshevism, such as the single-party state, elite rule over the masses, and appeals to the proletariat.[71] At a time when war veterans were facing unemployment and other economic problems, fascists promoted a form of collectivism, calling for the end of bourgeois individualism, as well as opposing Marxism for its anti-nationalism and perceived anti-patriotism.[69]
The creation of the League of Nations after World War I aggravated nationalists, who saw the organization as imposing an internationalist political order upon nations.[72] Fascists saw the league as only benefiting wealthy capitalist democracies.[72] Disillusionment with liberalism deepened with the 1929 stock market crash and the Great Depression.[73] Alfredo Rocco, Benito Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile justified fascism as answering a need for purpose in an absurd world.[74][75][76] Mussolini wrote:
...it is a spiritualized conception, itself the result of the general reaction of modern times against the flabby materialistic positivism of the nineteenth century. Anti-positivistic, but positive: not skeptical, nor agnostic, nor pessimistic, nor passively optimistic, as are, in general, the doctrines (all negative) that put the center of life outside man, who with his free will can and must create his own world. Fascism desires an active man, one engaged in activity with all his energies: it desires a man virilely conscious of the difficulties that exist in action and ready to face them. It conceives of life as a struggle, considering that it behooves man to conquer for himself that life truly worthy of him, creating first of all in himself the instrument (physical, moral, intellectual) in order to construct it.[77]
Ideological origins of Fascism
Fascism is based upon a number of ideological origins from across the political spectrum. Benito Mussolini had a strong attachment to the works of Plato.[78] In The Republic (c. 380 BCE), Plato advocated a system of elite minority rule by highly-educated, intellectual rulers called philosopher kings, and a class of elite warriors named "guardians" who were allowed to exercise total control over the politics and security of a society. This argument has been considered an inspiration for fascism's promotion of elite rule by a supreme leader and a single-party state.[79] Similarly, Vilfredo Pareto's endorsement of an elite minority-led oligarchical government was an influence on fascists.[80] Mussolini and Margherita Sarfatti identified both Plato and Pareto as the source of fascism's constantly changing character.[81] They claim that movement and correction of flaws in ideas renews an ideology and keeps it from becoming corrupt or outdated.[81]
Mussolini modeled his dictatorship and totalitarian aims on Julius Caesar.[82] Mussolini described his personal admiration of Caesar, claiming that Caesar had "the resolve of a warrior and the resourcefulness of a wise man".[83] The Fascists' March on Rome in 1922 was based on the crossing of the Rubicon river by Caesar and his forces when they seized power in Rome in 49 BCE.[84] Shortly after seizing power with the March on Rome, Mussolini went to the Roman Forum and stood before the ruins to pay homage to Caesar.[85] The Italian Fascist government presented Caesar as a national hero and had multiple statues of Caesar constructed across Italy.[86]
Mussolini studied The Prince (1532) by Niccolo Machiavelli, and produced a thesis on it for the University of Bologna in 1924.[81] Mussolini admired Machiavelli as a capable statesman and a thinker.[81] Mussolini identified Machiavelli's conception of "the prince" as the personification of the state, and sympathized with Machiavelli's negative conception of most people having the tendency to be self-centred and unethical.[81] Mussolini, like Machiavelli, claimed that populations were unfit to govern themselves, and that they needed leadership to direct their lives.[87]
Mussolini and Gabriele d'Annunzio were influenced by Friedrich Nietzsche's concept of í¼bermensch ("overman" or "superman") and his themes of living dangerously.[88] D'Annunzio played an important role in bringing Nietzsche's themes into Italy.[89] Like Nietzsche, d'Annunzio idealized the Renaissance as a period of time during which í¼bermensch ruled and the power of decadent nobility was disintigrating.[89] Nietzsche and d'Annunzio both held contempt for Christianity, the bourgeoisie, democracy, and reformist politics.[90] D'Annunzio supported the creation of a new state based on an aristocracy of intellectuals, a cult of strength and opposition to democracy.[89] He believed that the best ideology to exemplify Nietzsche's í¼bermensch and living dangerously was aggressive nationalism.[91] During World War I, d'Annunzio evoked Italian nationalist themes of irredentism, claiming that Italy was the heir to the Roman Empire.[92]
Prior to becoming a fascist, Mussolini was a socialist who was influenced by Nietszche's anti-Christian ideas and negation of God's existence.[93] Mussolini saw Nietzsche as similar to Jean-Marie Guyau, who advocated a philosophy of action.[93] Mussolini's use of Nietzsche made him a highly unorthodox socialist, due to Nietzsche's promotion of elitism and anti-egalitarian views.[93] Mussolini felt that socialism had faltered due to the failures of Marxist determinism and social democratic reformism, and believed that Nietzsche's ideas would strengthen socialism.[94] By the 1900s, Mussolini's writings indicateed that he had abandoned Marxism and egalitarianism in favour of Nietzsche's í¼bermensch concept and anti-egalitarianism.[95] Unlike fascists, however, Nietzsche did not admire the state; in his work Thus Spoke Zarathustra, he referred to the state as "the coldest of all monsters".[96]
Syndicalist philosopher Georges Sorel is considered a major inspiration for both Bolshevism and fascism, both of which Sorel supported because they challenged bourgeois democracy.[97] Sorel's work Reflections on Violence (1908) claimed that violence could be moral, especially revolutionary violence that brings substantive positive change in society.[98] Sorel rebuked Marxism, accusing it of becoming decadent, and arguing that it should not resist the free market and free competition, because they would quicken the demise of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat.[98]
Sorel argued that socialists should reject the materialism and rationalism of Marx and instead adopt moral and emotional appeals of ideals and myths to promote their cause.[98] Sorel argued that excessive rationalism is a trait of the bourgeoisie, and that the proletariat's mind is more "primitive", being more able to accept myths.[99] Sorel believed that this was beneficial, because the proletariat would be more willing to accept moral renewal.[99] Reflections on Violence was highly popular amongst Italian revolutionary syndicalists,[98] one of whom was Mussolini, who later as a fascist acknowledged Sorel's influence on him, saying "What I am, I owe to Sorel".[97]
Fascism initially had close connections to futurism; the Futurist Manifesto (1909) by Filippo Tommaso Marinetti "glorified action, technology, and war" and promoted irrationalism over rationalism; the revolutionary entrenchment of modernist and violent art and aesthetics; the destruction of all past aesthetic traditions to liberate modern aesthetics; the promotion of patriotism and militarism; and contempt of women and feminism.[100] Futurism, like fascism, identified the state in a corporatist manner as an organic body connected to the nation.[101] However, unlike fascism, the futurist conception of the state proscribed the continuation of democracy, with Marinetti arguing: "Italian democracy is for us a body which must be liberated", this liberation would be achieved through technological development.[101] Marinetti was initially drawn to fascism, but rejected it as it adopted more moderate conservative aesthetics once it attained power in Italy.[102]
Core tenets
Nationalism
Fascists saw the struggle of nation and race as fundamental in society, in opposition to communism's perception of class struggle.[103] The fascist view of nation is as a single organic entity which binds people together by their ancestry and is a natural unifying force of people.[104] Fascism seeks to solve economic, political, and social problems by achieving a millenarian national rebirth, exalting the nation or race above all else, and promoting cults of unity, strength and purity.[38][54][105][106][107] Benito Mussolini stated in 1922, "For us the nation is not just territory but something spiritual... A nation is great when it translates into reality the force of its spirit."[108]
According to Eoin O'Duffy, an Irish national corporatist: "before everything we must give a national lead to our people...The first essential is national unity. We can only have that when the Corporative system is accepted".[109]
Joseph Goebbels described the Nazis as being affiliated with authoritarian nationalism:
It enables us to see at once why democracy and Bolshevism, which in the eyes of the world are irrevocably opposed to one another, meet again and again on common ground in their joint hatred of and attacks on authoritarian nationalist concepts of State and State systems. For the authoritarian nationalist conception of the State represents something essentially new. In it the French Revolution is superseded.[110]
Plínio Salgado, leader of the Brazilian Integralist Action party emphasized the role of the nation:
The best governments in the world cannot succeed in pulling a country out of the quagmire, out of apathy, if they do not express themselves as national energies...Strong governments cannot result either from conspiracies or from military coups, just as they cannot come out of the machinations of parties or the Machiavellian game of political lobbying. They can only be born from the actual roots of the Nation.[111]
Foreign policy
Italian fascists described expansionist imperialism as a necessity. The 1932 Italian Encyclopedia stated: "For Fascism, the growth of empire, that is to say the expansion of the nation, is an essential manifestation of vitality, and its opposite a sign of decadence."[112] Similarly, the Nazis promoted territorial expansionism to provide "living space" to the German nation.[113] Fascists opposed pacifism and believed that a nation must have a warrior mentality.[114] Benito Mussolini spoke of war idealistically as a source of masculine pride, and spoke negatively of pacifism:
War alone brings up to their highest tension all human energies and puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have the courage to meet it. Fascism carries this anti-pacifist struggle into the lives of individuals. It is education for combat...war is to man what maternity is to the woman. I do not believe in perpetual peace; not only do I not believe in it but I find it depressing and a negation of all the fundamental virtues of a man.[115]
Authoritarianism
Many fascist movements support the creation of a totalitarian state. Mussolini's Doctrine of Fascism states: "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State-a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values-interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."[116]
Some have argued that in spite of Italian fascism's attempt at totalitarianism, fascism in Italy became an authoritarian cult of personality around Mussolini.[117]
In The Legal Basis of the Total State, Nazi political theorist Carl Schmitt described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disasterous pluralism tearing the German people apart"[118]
Japanese fascist Nakano Seigo advocated that Japan follow the Italian and German models, which were "a form of more democratic government going beyond democracy" which itself had "lost its spirit and decayed into a mechanism which insists only on numerical superiority without considering the essence of human beings."[119]
A key authoritarian element of fascism is its endorsement of a prime national leader, who is often known simply as the "Leader" or a similar title, such as: Duce in Italian, Fí¼hrer in German, Caudillo in Spanish, Poglavnik in Croatia, or Conducător in Romanian. Fascist leaders who ruled countries were not always heads of state, but heads of government, such as Benito Mussolini, who held power under the King of Italy, Victor Emmanuel III.
Social Darwinism
Fascist movements have commonly held social Darwinist views of nations, races, and societies.[114] They argue that in order for nations and races to survive in a world defined by perpetual national and racial conflict, nations and races must purge themselves of socially and biologically weak or degenerate people while simultaneously promoting the creation of strong people.[120]
Italian Fascist philosopher Giovanni Gentile in The Origins and Doctrine of Fascism promoted the concept of conflict being an act of progress by stating that "mankind only progresses through division, and progress is achieved through the clash and victory of one side over another".[121] Italian Fascist Alfredo Rocco claimed that conflict was inevitable:
Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest and less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict. Alfredo Rocco[121]
In Germany, the Nazis utilized social Darwinism to promote their racialist concept of the German nation as being part of the Aryan race and the need for the Aryan race to be strong in order to be victorious in what the Nazis believed was ongoing competition and conflict between races.[122] They attempted to strengthen the Aryan race in Germany by killing those they regarded as weaker. To this end, the T4 project was introduced in the late 1930s and organized the killing of around roughly 275,000 handicapped and elderly German civilians using carbon monoxide gas.[123]
Social interventionism
Generally, fascist movements endorsed social interventionism dedicated to influencing society to promote the state's interests.[citation needed] According to G.V. Rimlinger, one cannot speak of "fascist social policy" as a single concept with logical and internally consistent ideas and common identifiable goals.[124]
Fascists spoke of creating a "new man" and a "new civilization" as part of their intention to transform society.[125] Mussolini promised a "social revolution" for "remaking" the Italian people.[126] Adolf Hitler promised to purge Germany of non-Aryan influences on society and create a pure Aryan race through eugenics.
Indoctrination
Fascist states pursued policies of social indoctrination, through propaganda in education and the media, and through regulation of the production of education and media material.[127][128] Education was designed to glorify the fascist movement and inform students of its historical and political importance to the nation. It attempted to purge ideas that were not consistent with the beliefs of the fascist movement, and taught students to be obedient to the state.[129]
Thus fascism tends to be anti-intellectual.[130] The Nazis, in particular, despised intellectuals and university professors. Hitler declared them unreliable, useless and even dangerous.[131] He said: "When I take a look at the intellectual classes we have - unfortunately, I suppose, they are necessary; otherwise one could one day, I don't know, exterminate them or something - but unfortunately they're necessary."[132]
Abortion, eugenics and euthanasia
The Fascist government in Italy banned literature on birth control and increased penalties on abortion in 1926, declaring them both crimes against the state.[133] The Nazis decriminalized abortion in cases where fetuses had hereditary defects or were of a race the government disapproved of, while the abortion of healthy "pure" German, "Aryan" fetuses remained strictly forbidden.[134] For non-Aryans, abortion was often compelled.[135] Their eugenics program stemmed also from the "progressive biomedical model" of Weimar Germany.[136]
In 1935 Nazi Germany expanded the legality of abortion by amending its eugenics law, to promote abortion for women with hereditary disorders.[137] The law allowed abortion if a woman gave her permission, and if the fetus was not yet viable,[138][139] and for purposes of so-called racial hygiene.[140][141]
Culture, gender and sexuality
Fascism promoted principles of masculine heroism, militarism, and discipline; and rejected cultural pluralism and multiculturalism.[142]
Initially, Italian Fascism officially stood in favour of expanding voting rights to women. In 1920, Benito Mussolini declared that "Fascists do not belong to the crowd of the vain and skeptical who undervalue women's social and political importance. Who cares about voting? You will vote!".[143] Women were briefly given the right to vote until 1925 when the Italian Fascist government abolished elections.[143] In the 1920s, the Italian Fascist government's Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro (OND) allowed working women to attend various entertainment and recreation events, including sports that in the past had traditionally been played by men.[144] The regime was criticized by the Roman Catholic Church, which claimed that these activities were causing "masculinization" of women.[145] The Fascists responded to such criticism by restricting women to only being allowed to take part in "feminine" sports, forbidding them to be part of sports that were played mostly by men.[145]
Mussolini perceived women's primary role as childbearers while men should be warriors, once saying "war is to man what maternity is to the woman".[146] The Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families and initiated policies designed to reduce the number of women employed, in an effort to increase birthrates.[147] Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation" and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.[148] In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment", which Italy was facing at the time and said that women working was "incompatible with childbearing".[149] Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".[150]
Nazi policies toward women strongly encouraged them to stay at home to bear children and keep house.[151] This policy was reinforced by bestowing the Cross of Honor of the German Mother on women bearing four or more babies. The unemployment rate was cut substantially, mostly through arms production and sending women home so that men could take their jobs. Nazi propaganda sometimes promoted premarital and extramarital sexual relations, unwed motherhood and divorce, but at other times the Nazis opposed such behaviour.[152] The growth of Nazi power, however, was accompanied by a breakdown of traditional sexual morals with regard to extramarital sex and licentiousness.[153]
Fascist movements and governments opposed homosexuality. The Italian Fascist government declared it illegal in Italy in 1931.[154] The Nazis thought homosexuality was degenerate, effeminate, perverted and undermined the masculinity which they promoted, because it did not produce children.[155] They considered homosexuality curable through therapy, citing modern scientism and the study of sexology, which said that homosexuality could be felt by "normal" people and not just an abnormal minority.[156] Critics have claimed that the Nazis' claim of scientific reasons for their promotion of racism, and hostility to homosexuals is pseudoscience,[157][158]. Open homosexuals were among those interned in Nazi concentration camps.[159] The British Union of Fascists opposed homosexuality and pejoratively questioned their opponents' heterosexuality.[160] The Romanian Iron Guard opposed homosexuality as undermining society.[161]
Economic policies
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Fascists promoted their ideology as a "Third Position" between capitalism and communism.[162] Italian Fascism involved corporatism, a political system in which the economy is collectively managed by employers, workers and state officials by formal mechanisms at national level.[163] Fascists advocated a new national class-based economic system, variously termed "national corporatism", "national socialism" or "national syndicalism".[35] The common aim of all fascist movements was elimination of the autonomy or, in some cases, the existence of large-scale capitalism.[164]
Fascist governments exercised control over private property but did not nationalize it.[165] They pursued economic policies to strengthen state power and spread ideology, such as consolidating trade unions to be state or party-controlled.[166] Attempts were made by both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to establish "autarky" (self-sufficiency) through significant economic planning, but neither achieved economic self-sufficiency.[167]
National corporatism, national socialism and national syndicalism
Fascists supported the unifying of proletarian workers to their cause along corporatistic, socialistic, or syndicalistic lines, promoting the creation of a strong proletarian nation, but not a proletarian class.[168] Italian Fascism's economy was based on corporatism and a number of other fascist movements similarly promoted corporatism. Oswald Mosley of the British Union of Fascists described fascist corporatism, saying that "it means a nation organized as the human body, with each organ performing its individual function but working in harmony with the whole".[169] Fascists were not hostile to the petite bourgeoisie or to small businesses, and promised these groups protection alongside the proletariat from the upper-class bourgeoisie, big business, and Marxism. The promotion of these groups is the source of the term 'extremism of the centre' to describe fascism.[170]
Fascism blamed capitalist liberal democracies for creating class conflict and communists for exploiting it.[25] In Italy, the Fascist period presided over the creation of the largest number of state-owned enterprises in Western Europe such as the nationalisation of petroleum companies into a single state enterprise called the Italian General Agency for Petroleum (Azienda Generale Italiani Petroli, AGIP).[171] Fascists made populist appeals to the middle class (especially the lower middle class) by promising to protect small business and small property owners from communism, and by promising an economy based on competition and profit while pledging to oppose big business.[170]
In 1933, Benito Mussolini declared Italian Fascism's opposition to "decadent capitalism" that he claimed prevailed in the world at the time, but did not denounce capitalism entirely. Mussolini claimed that capitalism had degenerated in three stages, starting with dynamic or heroic capitalism (1830-1870) followed by static capitalism (1870-1914) and then reaching its final form of decadent capitalism, also known as supercapitalism beginning in 1914.[172] Mussolini argued that Italian Fascism was in favour of dynamic and heroic capitalism for its contribution to industrialism and technical developments but claimed that it did not favour supercapitalism, which he claimed was incompatible with Italy's agricultural sector.[172]
Thus Mussolini claimed that Italy under Fascist rule was not capitalist in the modern use of the term, which referred to supercapitalism.[172] Mussolini denounced supercapitalism for causing the "standardization of humankind" and for causing excessive consumption.[173] Mussolini claimed that at the stage of supercapitalism "[it] is then that a capitalist enterprise, when difficulties arise, throws itself like a dead weight into the state's arms. It is then that state intervention begins and becomes more necessary. It is then that those who once ignored the state now seek it out anxiously."[174] He saw Fascism as the next logical step to solve the problems of supercapitalism and claimed that this step could be seen either as a form of capitalism which involved state intervention, saying "our path would lead inexorably into state capitalism, which is nothing more nor less than state socialism turned on its head. In either event, the result is the bureaucratization of the economic activities of the nation."[175]
Some fascists were indifferent or hostile to corporatism. The Nazis initially attempted to form a corporatist economic system like that in Fascist Italy, creating the National Socialist Institute for Corporatism in May 1933, which included many major economists who argued that corporatism was consistent with National Socialism.[176][177]. In Mein Kampf, Hitler spoke enthusiastically about the "National Socialist corporative idea" as one which would eventually "take the place of ruinous class warfare"[178] However, the Nazis later viewed corporatism as detrimental to Germany and that it institutionalized and legitimized social differences within the German nation. Instead, the Nazis promoted economic organisation that emphasized the biological unity of the German national community.[179]
Hitler continued to refer to corporatism in propaganda, but it was not put into place, even though a number of Nazi officials such as Walther Darré, Gottfried Feder, Alfred Rosenburg, and Gregor Strasser were in favour of a neo-medievalist form of corporatism, as corporations had been influential in German people's history in the medieval era.[180]
Spanish Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera did not believe that corporatism was effective and denounced it as a propaganda ploy, saying "this stuff about the corporative state is another piece of windbaggery".[181]
Economic planning
Fascists opposed laissez-faire economic policies dominant in the era prior to the Great Depression.[182] After the Great Depression began, many people from across the political spectrum blamed laissez-faire capitalism for the Great Depression, and fascists promoted their ideology as a "third way" between capitalism and communism.[183]
Fascists declared their opposition to finance capitalism, interest charging, and profiteering.[184] Nazis and other anti-Semitic fascists, considered finance capitalism a "parasitic" "Jewish conspiracy".[185] Fascist governments nationalized some key industries, managed their currencies and made some massive state investments.[citation needed] They introduced price controls, wage controls and other types of economic interventionist measures.[186]
Private property rights were supported, but were contingent upon service to the state.[187] For example, "an owner of agricultural land may be compelled to raise wheat instead of sheep and employ more labour than he would find profitable."[188] According to historian Tibor Ivan Berend, dirigisme was an inherent aspect of fascist economies.[189] The Labour Charter of 1927, promulgated by the Grand Council of Fascism, stated in article 7: "The corporative State considers private initiative, in the field of production, as the most efficient and useful instrument of the Nation", then goes on to say in article 9: "State intervention in economic production may take place only where private initiative is lacking or is insufficient, or when are at stakes the political interest of the State. This intervention may take the form of control, encouragement or direct management."[190]
Fascists thought that private property should be regulated to ensure that "benefit to the community precedes benefit to the individual."[191] They also introduced price controls and other types of economic planning measures.[186]
Fascism had a social Darwinist view of human relations.[192] They promoted the interests of successful businesses while banning trade unions and other workers' organizations.[193] Mussolini wrote approvingly of the notion that profits should not, for any purpose, be taken away from those who produce them from their own labour, saying "I do not respect - I even hate - those men that leech a tenth of the riches produced by others".[194]
Social welfare
Benito Mussolini promised a "social revolution" that would "remake" the Italian people. According to Patricia Knight, this was only achieved in part.[195] The people who primarily benefited from Italian fascist social policies were members of the middle and lower-middle classes, who filled jobs in the vastly expanding government workforce, which grew to about a million in 1930.[195] Health and welfare spending grew dramatically under Italian fascism, with welfare rising from seven percent of the budget in 1930 to 20% in 1940.[196]
A major social welfare initiative in Fascist Italy was the Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro (OND) or "National After-work Program". Created in 1925, it was the state's largest recreational organisation for adults.[197] The Dopolavoro was responsible for establishing and maintaining 11,000 sports grounds, over 6,400 libraries, 800 movie houses, 1,200 theatres, and over 2,000 orchestras.[197] Membership of the Dopolavoro was voluntary, but it had high participation because of its nonpolitical nature.[197] It is estimated that, by 1936, the OND had organised 80 percent of salaried workers[198] and, by 1939, 40 percent of the industrial workforce. The sports activities proved popular with large numbers of workers. The OND had the largest membership of any of the mass Fascist organisations in Italy.[199]
The enormous success of the Dopolavoro in Fascist Italy was the key factor in Nazi Germany creating its own version of the Dopolavoro, the Kraft durch Freude (KdF) or "Strength through Joy" program of the Nazi government's German Labour Front, which was even more successful than the Dopolavoro.[200] KdF provided government-subsidized holidays for German workers.[201] KdF was also responsible for the creation of the original Volkswagen ("People's Car"), a state-manufactured automobile that was meant to be cheap enough to allow all German citizens to be able to own one.
While fascists promoted social welfare to ameliorate economic conditions affecting their nation or race as whole, they did not support social welfare for egalitarian reasons. Fascists criticised egalitarianism as preserving the weak. They promoted instead social Darwinist views, claiming that nations and races must preserve and promote their strengths to ensure survival in a world that is in a perpetual state of national and/or racial conflict and competition.[202][203] Adolf Hitler was opposed to egalitarian and universal social welfare because, in his view, it encouraged the preservation of the degenerate and feeble.[204] While in power, the Nazis created social welfare programs to deal with the large numbers of unemployed. However, those programs were neither egalitarian nor universal, but instead residual, excluding multiple minority groups and certain other people whom they felt were incapable of helping themselves, and who would pose a threat to the future health of the German people.[205]
Racism and racialism
Fascists are not unified on the issues of racism and racialism. Mussolini, in a 1919 speech to denounce Soviet Russia, claimed that Jewish bankers in London and New York City were bound by the chains of race to Moscow, and claimed that 80 percent of the Soviet leaders were Jews.[206] In his 1920 autobiography, he said: "Race and soil are strong influences upon us all", and said of World War I: "There were seers who saw in the European conflict not only national advantages but the possibility of a supremacy of race".[207] In a 1921 speech in Bologna, Mussolini stated that "Fascism was born... out of a profound, perennial need of this our Aryan and Mediterranean race".[206] He said in 1928:
[When the] city dies, the nation - deprived of the young life - blood of new generations - is now made up of people who are old and degenerate and cannot defend itself against a younger people which launches an attack on the now unguarded frontiers[...] This will happen, and not just to cities and nations, but on an infinitely greater scale: the whole White race, the Western race can be submerged by other coloured races which are multiplying at a rate unknown in our race.[208]
Many Italian fascists held anti-Slavist views, especially against neighbouring Yugoslav nations, whom the Italian fascists saw as being in competition with Italy, which had claims on territories of Yugoslavia, particularly Dalmatia.[209] Mussolini claimed that Yugoslavs posed a threat after Italy did not receive the territory along the Adriatic coast at the end of World War I, as promised by the 1915 Treaty of London. He said: "The danger of seeing the Jugo-Slavians settle along the whole Adriatic shore had caused a bringing together in Rome of the cream of our unhappy regions. Students, professors, workmen, citizens-representative men-were entreating the ministers and the professional politicians.[210] Italian fascists accused Serbs of having "atavistic impulses", and of being part of a "social democratic, masonic Jewish internationalist plot".[211] The fascists accused Yugoslavs of conspiring together on behalf of "Grand Orient masonry and its funds".
In 1933, Mussolini contradicted his earlier statements on race, saying: "Race! It is a feeling, not a reality: ninety-five percent, at least, is a feeling. Nothing will ever make me believe that biologically pure races can be shown to exist today. ... National pride has no need of the delirium of race."[212]
At the 1934 Fascist International Congress, the issue of anti-Semitism was debated amongst various fascist parties, with some more favourable to it, and others less favourable. Two final compromises were adopted, creating the official stance of the Fascist International:
[T]he Jewish question cannot be converted into a universal campaign of hatred against the Jews[...] Considering that in many places certain groups of Jews are installed in conquered countries, exercising in an open and occult manner an influence injurious to the material and moral interests of the country which harbors them, constituting a sort of state within a state, profiting by all benefits and refusing all duties, considering that they have furnished and are inclined to furnish, elements conducive to international revolution which would be destructive to the idea of patriotism and Christian civilization, the Conference denounces the nefarious action of these elements and is ready to combat them.[21]
Relation to religion
The attitude of fascism toward religion has run the gamut from persecution, to denunciation, to cooperation,[213] to embrace.[214] Stanley Payne notes that fundamental to fascism was the foundation of a purely materialistic "civic religion" that would "displace preceding structures of belief and relegate supernatural religion to a secondary role, or to none at all", and that "though there were specific examples of religious or would-be 'Christian fascists,' fascism presupposed a post-Christian, post-religious, secular, and immanent frame of reference."[215]
According to Payne, such "would be" religious fascists only gain hold where traditional belief is weakened or absent, as fascism seeks to create new non-rationalist myth structures for those who no longer hold a traditional view.[216] The rise of modern secularism in Europe and Latin America, and the incursion and large-scale adoption of western secular culture in the mid-east leave a void where this modern secular ideology, sometimes under a religious veneer, can take hold.[216]
Many fascists were anti-clerical in both private and public life.[217] Although both Hitler and Mussolini were anti-clerical, they both understood that it would be rash to begin their Kulturkampfs prematurely, such a clash, possibly inevitable in the future, being put off while they dealt with other enemies.[218] Hitler had a general plan, even before the Nazis' rise to power, to destroy Christianity within the Reich.[219][220][221] Many Italian Fascists were disgusted by Mussolini's decision to abandon Fascism's anti-clericalism in favour of reconciliation with the Roman Catholic Church.[222]
The leader of the Hitler Youth stated "the destruction of Christianity was explicitly recognized as a purpose of the National Socialist movement" from the start, but "considerations of expedience made it impossible" publicly to express this extreme position.[219] In Mexico, the Red Shirts were vehemently atheist, renounced religion, killed priests, and on one occasion gunned down Catholics as they left Mass.[223][224][225][226][227]
According to a biographer of Mussolini, "Initially, fascism was fiercely anti-Catholic" - the Church being a competitor for dominion of the people's hearts.[228] Mussolini, originally an atheist, published anti-Catholic writings and planned for the confiscation of Church property, but eventually moved to accommodation.[213] Mussolini endorsed the Roman Catholic Church for political legitimacy, as during the Lateran Treaty talks, Fascist Party officials engaged in bitter arguments with Vatican officials and put pressure on them to accept the terms that the regime deemed acceptable.[229] Protestantism in Italy was not as significant as Catholicism, and the Protestant minority was persecuted.[230] Mussolini's sub-secretary of Interior, Bufferini-Guidi issued a memo closing all houses of worship of the Italian Pentecostals and Jehovah's Witnesses, and imprisoned their leaders.[231] In some instances, people were killed because of their faith.[232]
A number of Italian Fascists were disgusted by Mussolini's decision to seek reconciliation with the Roman Catholic Church.
The Ustaše in Croatia had strong Catholic overtones, with some clerics in positions of power.[233] The fascist movement in Romania, known as the Iron Guard or the Legion of Archangel Michael, preceded its meetings with a church service, and their demonstrations were usually led by priests carrying icons and religious flags.[citation needed] The Romanian fascist movement promoted a cult of "suffering, sacrifice and martyrdom."[234][235]
In Latin America, the most notable fascist movement was Plinio Salgado's Brazilian Integralism. Built on a network of lay religious associations, its vision was of an integral state that "comes from Christ, is inspired in Christ, acts for Christ, and goes toward Christ."[236][237][238] Salgado, however, criticised the "dangerous pagan tendencies of Hitlerism".[239]
Hitler and the Nazi regime attempted to found their own version of Christianity called Positive Christianity which made major changes in its interpretation of the Bible which said that Jesus Christ was the son of God, but was not a Jew; they further claimed that Christ despised Jews, and that the Jews were the ones solely responsible for his death.[citation needed] By 1940, however, it was public knowledge that Hitler had abandoned even the syncretist idea of a positive Christianty.[240]
The Catholic Church was particularly suppressed by Nazis in Poland. In addition to the deaths of some 3 million Polish Jews, 2 million Polish Catholics were killed.[241] Between 1939 and 1945, an estimated 3,000 polish clergy (18 percent) were murdered; of these, 1,992 died in concentration camps.[241] In the annexed territory of Reichsgau Wartheland it was even harsher than elsewhere. Churches were systematically closed, and most priests were either killed, imprisoned, or deported to the General Government.
The Germans also closed seminaries and convents persecuting monks and nuns throughout Poland. Eighty percent of the Catholic clergy and five of the bishops of Warthegau were sent to concentration camps in 1939; in Chełmno, 48 percent.[241] Of those murdered by the Nazi regime, 108 are regarded as blessed martyrs.[241] Among them, Maximilian Kolbe was canonized as a saint. Not only in Poland were Christians persecuted by the Nazis. In the Dachau concentration camp alone, 2,600 Catholic priests from 24 different countries were killed.[241]
One theory is that religion and fascism could never have a lasting connection because both are a "holistic weltanschauung" claiming the whole of the person.[213] Along these lines, Yale political scientist, Juan Linz and others have noted that secularization had created a void which could be filled by a total ideology, making totalitarianism possible[242][243], and Roger Griffin has characterized fascism as a type of anti-religious political religion.[244] Such political religions vie with existing religions, and try, if possible, to replace or eradicate them.[243]
Variations and subforms
Movements identified by scholars as fascist hold a variety of views, and what qualifies as fascism is often a hotly contested subject. The original movement which self-identified as Fascist was that of Benito Mussolini and his National Fascist Party. Intellectuals such as Giovanni Gentile produced The Doctrine of Fascism and founded the ideology.
The majority of strains which emerged after the original fascism, but are sometimes placed under the wider usage of the term, self-identified their parties with different names. Major examples include; Falangism, Integralism, Iron Guard and Nazism as well as various other designations.[245]
Europe
Italian Fascism
Fascism was born during a period of social and political unrest following World War I. The war had seen Italy begin to feel a sense of nationalism, rather than its historic regionalism.[246] Despite being an Allied Power, Italy was given what nationalists considered an unfair deal at the Treaty of Versailles.[246]
When the other allies told Italy to hand over the city of Fiume at the Paris Peace Conference, war veteran Gabriele d'Annunzio declared the independent state there, the Italian Regency of Carnaro.[247] He named himself Duce of the nation and declared a constitution, the Charter of Carnaro, which was highly influential to early Fascism, though he himself never became a fascist.[247]
Benito Mussolini founded Italian fascism as the Fasci italiani di combattimento after he returned from World War I, and published a Fascist manifesto. The birth of the Fascist movement can be traced to a meeting he held in the Piazza San Sepolcro in Milan on March 23, 1919, which declared the original principles of the Fascists through a series of declarations.[248]
These included a dedication to Italian war veterans,[249] a declaration of the fascists' loyalty to Italy and its opposition to foreign aggressors, a pronouncment that the fascists would fight against other political factions and a declaration of opposition to bolshevism and socialism, particularly the socialism of the Italian Socialist Party. They also declared their intention to seize power and their opposition to the multiparty representative democracy in Italy.
The fascists took a moderate stance on the economy, effectively declaring that they favoured class collaboration while opposing excessive state intervention into the economy, and calling for pressure on industrialists and workers to be cooperative and constructive, saying: "As for economic democracy, we favour national syndicalism and reject State intervention whenever it aims at throttling the creation of wealth."[250]
Mussolini and the fascists were simultaneously revolutionary and traditionalist.[251][252] because this was vastly different from anything else in the political climate of the time, it is sometimes described as "The Third Way".[253] The Fascisti, led by one of Mussolini's close confidants, Dino Grandi, formed armed squads of war veterans called Blackshirts (or squadristi) with the goal of restoring order. The blackshirts clashed with communists, socialists and anarchists at parades and demonstrations. The government rarely interfered with the blackshirts' actions, due in part to a widespread fear of a Communist revolution.
The Fascisti grew so rapidly that within two years, it transformed itself into the National Fascist Party at a congress in Rome. Also in 1921, Mussolini was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for the first time and was later appointed as Prime Minister by the King in 1922. He then went on to install a dictatorship after 10 June 1924 assassination of anti-fascist writer Giacomo Matteotti by agents of the Mussolini's Ceka secret police.
Mussolini's colonialism reached further into Africa in an attempt to compete with British and French colonial empires.[254] Mussolini spoke of making Italy a nation that was "great, respected and feared" throughout Europe, and indeed the world. An early example was his bombardment of Corfu in 1923. Soon after he succeeded in setting up a puppet regime in Albania and forcibly ended a rebellion in Libya, which had been a colony (loosely) since 1912. It was his dream to make the Mediterranean mare nostrum ("our sea" in Latin).
Nazism (National Socialism, Germany)
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The National Socialist German Workers' Party (Nazi Party) ruled Germany from 1933 until 1945. The party was originally formed as the German Workers' Party under the leadership of Anton Drexler, and espoused a combination of racialist ví¶lkisch nationalism and socialism that rejected the conditions imposed on Germany after World War I. The party accused international capitalism of being Jewish-dominated, and denounced capitalists for war profiteering in World War I.[255] To ease concerns among potential middle-class nationalist supporters, Drexler made clear that unlike Marxists, the party supported middle-class citizens, and that the party's socialist policy was meant to give social welfare to all German citizens who were deemed part of the Aryan race.[255] Drexler's insistence on the inclusion of the term "socialist" in the party's name had caused tension amongst members of the party including then-member Adolf Hitler, who preferred that the party be named the "Social Revolutionary Party", until Rudolf Jung persuaded him to support the name "National Socialist German Workers' Party".[256] Drexler was ousted from the leadership in 1921 by Hitler, who secured himself the position of undisputed and permanent leader of the party.
Hitler admired Benito Mussolini and the Italian Fascists, and after Mussolini's successful March on Rome in 1922, presented the Nazis as a German version of Italian Fascism.[257][258] Hitler endorsed Italian Fascism, saying that "with the victory of fascism in Italy the Italian people has triumphed [over] Jewry" and appraised Mussolini as "the brilliant statesman".[259] Joseph Goebbels, Hitler's chief propagandist, credited Italian Fascism with starting a conflict against liberal democracy, saying:
The march on Rome was a signal, a sign of storm for liberal-democracy. It is the first attempt to destroy the world of the liberal-democratic spirit[...] which started in 1789 with the storm on the Bastille and conquered one country after another in violent revolutionary upheavals, to let... the nations go under in Marxism, democracy, anarchy and class warfare...[260]
Following the Italians' example, the Nazis attempted a "March on Berlin" to topple the Weimar Republic, which they characterised as "Marxist".[260]
Days after Mussolini rose to power in October 1922, the major British national newspaper The Times referred to Hitler as Mussolini's promising pupil in Germany.[261] A month after Mussolini had risen to power, amid claims by the Nazis that they were equivalent to the Italian fascists, Hitler's popularity in Germany began to grow, and large crowds began to attend Nazi rallies. The newspaper Berlin Lokal-Anzeiger featured a front page article about Hitler, saying "There are a lot of people who believe him to be the German Mussolini".[257]
In private, Mussolini expressed dislike of Hitler and the Nazis, seeing them as mere imitators of Italian Fascism. When Mussolini met with the Italian Consul in Munich prior to the Nazis' failed Beer Hall Putsch in 1923, he stated that the Nazis were "buffoons".[262]
Hitler remained impressed by Mussolini and Fascist Italy for many years in spite of resentments towards Italy by other Nazis. During the period of positive outlook towards Fascist Italy, Hitler became an Italophile.[263] Hitler like Mussolini profoundly admired Ancient Rome, and repeatedly mentioned it in Mein Kampf as being a model for Germany.[264] In particular, Hitler admired ancient Rome's authoritarian culture, imperialism, town planning, and architecture, which were incorporated by the Nazis.[265] Hitler considered the ancient Romans to have been a master race.[266] In an unpublished sequel to Mein Kampf, Hitler declared that he held no antagonism towards Italy for having waged war against Germany and Austria-Hungary in World War I, saying that it was only in Italy became at war with Germany because of Germany's alliance with Austria Hungary which Italy had territorial claims on.[267] Hitler declared his sympathy to the Italians for desiring to regain Italian-populated lands held by Austria-Hungary, claiming it was naturally in Italians' national interest to wage war to regain those lands.[268]
Hitler made controversial concessions to gain Fascist Italy's approval and alliance, such as abandoning territorial claims on the Tyrol region of Italy that had a dense population of hundreds of thousands of Germans.[269] In Mein Kampf Hitler declared that it was not in Germany's interest to have war with Italy over South Tyrol.[270]
The Nazis gained political power in Germany's government through a democratic election in 1932. Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany following the 1933 election, subsequently putting into place the Enabling Act of 1933, which effectively gave him the power of a dictator, except over the German Roman Catholic Church, which was under the Vatican. The Nazis announced a national rebirth, in the form of the Third Reich, nicknamed the Thousand Year Empire, promoted as a successor to the Holy Roman Empire and the German Empire.
Although the modern consensus sees Nazism as a type of generic fascism,[271] some scholars, including Gilbert Allardyce, Zeev Sternhell, Karl Dietrich Bracher and A.F.K. Organski, argue that Nazism is not fascism - either because it is different in character or because they believe fascism cannot be generically defined.[272][273][274] Nazism differed from Italian fascism in that it had a stronger emphasis on race, religion, and ethnicity, especially exhibited as antisemitism. Roger Griffin, a leading exponent of the generic fascism theory, wrote:
It might well be claimed that Nazism and Italian fascism were separate species within the same genus, without any implicit assumption that the two species ought to be well-nigh identical. Ernst Nolte has stated that the differences could be easily reconciled by employing a term such as 'radical fascism' for Nazism. ... The establishment of fundamental generic characteristics linking Nazism to movements in other parts of Europe allows further consideration on a comparative basis of the reasons why such movements were able to become a real political danger and gain power in Italy and Germany, whereas in other European countries they remained an unpleasant, but transitory irritant...[275]
Sternhell views Nazism as separate from fascism:
Fascism can in no way be identified with Nazism. Undoubtedly the two ideologies, the two movements, and the two regimes had common characteristics. They often ran parallel to one another or overlapped, but they differed on one fundamental point: the criterion of German national socialism was biological determination. The basis of Nazism was a racism in its most extreme sense, and the fight against Jews, against 'inferior' races, played a more preponderant role in it than the struggle against communism.[276]
Iron Guard (Romania)
The Iron Guard was a fascist movement and political party in Romania from 1927 to 1941.[277] It was briefly in power from September 14, 1940 until January 21, 1941. It was founded by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu on 24 July 1927 as the "Legion of the Archangel Michael" (Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail), and it was led by him until his death in 1938.
Adherents to the movement continued to be widely referred to as "legionnaires" (sometimes "legionaries"; Romanian: legionari) and the organization as the "Legion" or the "Legionary Movement" (Mişcarea Legionară), despite various changes of the (intermittently banned) organization's name.
It was strongly anti-Semitic, promoting the idea that "Rabbinical aggression against the Christian world" in "unexpected 'protean forms': Freemasonry, Freudianism, homosexuality, atheism, Marxism, Bolshevism, the civil war in Spain, and social democracy" were undermining society.[278]
The Iron Guard "inserted strong elements of Orthodox Christianity into its political doctrine to the point of becoming one of the rare modern European political movements with a religious ideological structure."[279]
Falangism (Spain)
Falangism was a form of fascism founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera in 1934, emerging during the Second Spanish Republic.[280] Primo de Rivera was the son of Spain's former dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera. Following the establishment of the Second Spanish Republic Spain went from a kingdom into a republic dominated by left wing politicians almost overnight.
Primo de Rivera, inspired by Mussolini, founded the Falange Española party, which merged a year later with the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista party of Ramiro Ledesma and Onésimo Redondo.[281] The party and Primo de Rivera presented the Falange Manifesto in November 1934; it promoted nationalism, unity, glorification of the Spanish Empire and dedication to the national syndicalism economic policy, inspired by integralism in which there is class collaboration. The manifesto supported agrarianism, to improve the standard of living for the peasants of the rural areas, anti-capitalism and anti-Marxism. The Falange participated in the Spanish general election, 1936 with low results compared to the far-left Popular Front, but soon after increased in membership rapidly.
Primo de Rivera was captured by Republicans on 6 July 1936 and held in captivity at Alicante. The Spanish Civil War broke out on 17 July 1936 between the Republicans and the Nationalists, with the Falangistas fighting for Nationalist cause. Despite his incarceration Primo de Rivera was a strong symbol of the cause, referred to as El Ausente, meaning "the Absent One". He was summarily executed on 20 November after a trial by socialists.[282]
General Francisco Franco, already the leader of the rebel Nationalists, took over the leadership of the Falangists. Franco's focus was on victory in the war, and ensuring important flows of material from Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, so he was less ideological than his predecessor.[283]
A merger between the Falange and the Carlists took place in 1937, creating the FET y de las JONS, a more traditionalist, conservative party than the original Falagnists, and one which is described by some "authentic" Falangists as a move away from the party's original fascist principles.[280][280][284] Franco balanced several different interests of elements in his party, in an effort to keep them united, especially in regard to the question of monarchy.[285]
Franco's traditionalist, conservative stance means the Francoist regime is not generally considered to be fascist, as it lacked any revolutionary, transformative aspect.[286][287][288][289][290] Stanley G. Payne, author of "Falange: a history of Spanish fascism", and supporter of minority revisionist historians who see the Spanish civil war as a result of leftist influences, wrote: "scarcely any of the serious historians and analysts of Franco consider the generalissimo to be a core fascist."[291] Those who fought in the civil war against Franco saw it as a fight against Fascism even if it meant as Roman Catholics going against the prevailing sentiments of their Church.[292]
The ideas of Falangism were also exported, mainly to parts of the Hispanosphere, especially in South America.[293] In some countries these movements were obscure, in others they had some impact.[293] The Bolivian Socialist Falange under í“scar íšnzaga provided significant competition to the ruling government during the 1950s until the 1970s.[294]
In Peru, Catholic activist Luis Fernando Figari attempted to promote the ideals of Falangism, creating the youth Catholic association Sodalitium Christianae Vitae, in which, during the 70's, future members were educated in the official social doctrine of the Church as well in the Falangismo. Falangism was significant in Lebanon through the Kataeb Party and its founder Pierre Gemayel[295], fighting for national independence which was won in 1943.
Americas
Integralism (Brazil)
Brazilian Integralism (Aí§í£o Integralista Brasileira) was a form of fascism founded by Plinio Salgado in Brazil in October 1932. It is considered by many historians as the best, and maybe one of the only adaptations of fascist ideals in Latin America. From his magazine, Hierarquía directly inspired on "Gerarchia" from Italy, they persuade a great number of intellectuals to enter the group. 400,000 members were gained in the first two years alone, and by 1937 they were one of the most important parties in Latin America with around one million members.
They took many ideals from fascism instead of the "Italianití " and "Romanití ", in Italy they took the "Brasilianidade". Their principles included Corporativism, Catholicism, and like other fascist movements exhbitied forms of an anti-capitalist, and anti-communist agenda . They also took up and formed armed squads, nicknamed Greenshirts.
Asia
Kai-tsu p'ai faction of the Kuomintang (China)
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Wang Jingwei, a left-wing nationalist and anti-communist member of the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party of China), and in particular the left-wing nationalist Kai-tsu p'ai (Reorganization) faction, was originally hostile to fascism in Europe, but gradually drifted to be in favour of left-wing fascism, especially to the economic policies of Nazism in the late 1930s.[296][297] Wang Jingwei visited Germany in 1936, and changed his views towards fascism, speaking positively about European fascist states, saying that: "Several advanced countries have already expanded their national vitality and augmented their people's strength, and are no longer afraid of foreign aggression."[298] Wang Jingwei became head of the Japanese client state the Republic of China-Nanjing during World War II.
Publicist T'iang Leang-Li of the People's Tribune newspaper associated with the Kai-tsu p'ai promoted the positive nature of fascism in Europe while attempting to distance Kai-tsu p'ai from overtly negative aspects of fascism and wrote in 1937: "Whatever we may think about fascist and Nazi methods and policies, we must recognize the fact that their leaders have secured the enthuisiastic support of their respective nations".[299] T'iang Leang-Li claimed that the "foolish, unwise, and even cruel things" done in the fascist states had been done in a positive manner to bring about "tremendous change in the political outlook of the German and Italian people".[300] T'iang Leang-Li wrote articles that positively assessed the "socialist" character of Nazism. Similarly, Shih Shao-pei of the Kai-tsu p'ai rebuked Chinese critics of Nazism by saying "We in China [...] have heard too much about the 'national' and other flagwaving activities of the Nazis, and not enough about the 'socialist' work they are doing."[301] Shih Shao-pei wrote about reports of improved working conditions in German factories, the vacations given to employees by Kraft durch Freude, improved employer-employee relations, and the provision of public service work camps for the unemployed.[302] Other works made by the People's Tribune spoke positively about Nazism, saying that it was bringing the "integration of the working classes...into the National Socialist state and the abolition of...the evil elements of modern capitalism".[303]
Para-fascism
Some states and movements have certain characteristics of fascism, but scholars generally agree they are not fascist. Such putatively fascist groups are generally anti-liberal, anti-communist and use similar political or paramilitary methods to fascists, but lack fascism's revolutionary goal to create a new national character.[304] Para-fascism is a term used to describe authoritarian regimes with aspects that differentiate them from true fascist states or movements.[305]
Para-fascists typically eschewed radical change and some viewed genuine fascists as a threat.[306] Para-fascist states were often the home of genuine fascist movements, which were sometimes suppressed or co-opted, sometimes collaborated with.[304]
Fatherland Front (Austria)
"Austrofascism" is a controversial category encompassing various para-fascist and semi-fascist movements in Austria in the 1930s.[307] In particular it refers to the Fatherland Front, which became Austria's sole legal political party in 1934.
The Fatherland Front like fascism promoted corporatism but unlike fascism it did not promote it along secular and totalitarian grounds.[308] DollfuíŸ rejected the secular totalitarian state and instead promoted Christian corporatism based on Pope Pius XI's encyclical Quadragesimo Anno (1931).[308] The Fatherland Front's corporatism and Austrian corporatism in general was based on the state corporatist theory of Austrian conservative Othmar Spann.[309]
They were similar in that both served to attack the idea of a class struggle, accusing the left of destroying individuality. The leader of the Fatherland Front, Engelbert DollfuíŸ, claimed he wanted to "out-Hitler" (í¼berhitlern) Nazism.
Unlike the ethnic nationalism promoted by Italian Fascists and Nazis, the Fatherland Front focused entirely on cultural nationalism such as Austrian identity and distinction from Germany, extolling Austria's ties to the Roman Catholic Church. The notion of the Fatherland Front being fascist is usually based on the regime's support for and ideological similarities with of Fascist Italy, but its intensely conservative nationalism is often distinguished from revolutionary fascism.
Estado Novo (Portugal)
The Estado Novo ("New State") regime in Portugal from 1933 to 1974 has been described as having close similarities to fascism as well as significant differences. Antonio de Oliveira Salazar rose to power in Portugal as Prime Minister in an army coup in 1932. Salazar created an authoritarian conservative nationalist regime that gave him complete control of government affairs and instituted a police state.[310] Also, like fascism, Salazar instituted economic corporatism and substantial state control over the economy.[311] Salazar like fascist leaders, denounced democracy as detrimental to nations.[312] While Salazar promoted nationalism, he personally made disctinction between his regime's nationalism and fascism's aggressive nationalism, saying in 1934, "Portugal has no need of wars, usurptions, or conquests".[313] Salazar described his regime's nationalism as "sane and non-aggressive".[314] In 1936, Salazar denounced the totalitarianism of fascism, Nazism, and communism.[315] Salazar in particular criticized the "pagan" nature of Italian Fascism, claiming that it "recognizes no moral or legal order".[316]
Metaxas' 4th of August Regime (Greece)
Greece from 1936 to 1941 was a constitutional monarchy with the government in control of general Ioannis Metaxas as a dictator who created an authoritarian state based on fascism, Francisco Franco's regime in Spain, and Salazar's regime in Portugal. Metaxas promoted Greek nationalism, promoting a restoration of Hellenic civilization. The Metaxas regime used a fasces-like symbol for the regime, the Labrys, an ancient Greek double-axe. Under Metaxas, Greek officials adopted the straight-armed salute. Unlike fascism, Metaxas' government did not have a political party in control of the state.
Metaxas' regime's relation with fascist states disintegrated in 1940 to 1941 with the invasion of Greece by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany which toppled the regime.
Imperial Rule Assistance Association (Japan)
The Imperial Rule Assistance Association (Taisei Yokusankai) was a coalition of fascist and nationalist political movements of Japan such as the Imperial Way Faction (KÅdÅha) and the Society of the East (TÅhÅkai). It was formed under the guidance of Japanese Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe who was seeking to unify competing Japanese fascist and nationalist groups to reduce political friction and strengthen relations with the fascist regimes in Germany and Italy.[317][318] Prior to creation of the IRAA, Konoe had already effectively nationalized strategic industries, the news media, and labour unions, in preparation for total war with China.
Konoe's successor, Hideki TÅjÅ entrenched the IRAA as the country's ruling political movement, and attempted to establish himself as the absolute leader, or Shogun, of Japan. In contrast to European fascism, though, the cult of personality for the movement focused not on the head of government, but on the Emperor of Japan.[317][318]
The IRAA created Tonarigumi (Neighbourhood Association) and youth organisations, in which participation was mandatory. After the 1942 general election, all members of the Japanese parliament were forced to become members of the IRAA, making Japan a single-party state.
The IRAA government promoted Japanese expansionism and imperialism, declaring that Japan would form and lead a "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere".[319]
References
Notes
- ^ Girvin, Brian. The Right in the Twentieth Century. Pinter, 1994. p. 83. Describes fascism as an "anti-liberal radical authoritarian nationalist movement".
- ^ Turner, Henry Ashby. Reappraisals of Fascism. New Viewpoints, 1975. p. 162. States fascism's "goals of radical and authoritarian nationalism".
- ^ Payne, Stanley. Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977. University of Wisconsin Press, 1992. p. 43. Payne describes Spanish fascist José Antonio Primo de Rivera's objectives, saying "Young José Antonio's primary political passion was and would long remain the vindication of his father's work, which he was now trying to conceptualize in a radical, authoritarian nationalist form."
- ^ Larsen, Stein Ugelvik; Hagtvet, Bernt; Myklebust, Jan Petter. Who were the Fascists: social roots of European Fascism. p. 424. This reference calls fascism an "organized form of integrative radical nationalist authoritarianism"
- ^ Wiarda, Howard J. Corporatism and comparative politics. M.E. Sharpe, 1996. p. 12.
- ^ E.G. Noel O'Sullivan's five major themes of fascism are: corporatism, revolution, the leader principle, messianic faith, and autarky. The Fascism Reader by Aristotle A. Kallis says, "1. Corporatism. The most important claim made by fascism was that it alone could offer the creative prospect of a 'third way' between capitalism and socialism. Adolf Hitler, in Mein Kampf, spoke enthusiastically about the 'National Socialist corporative idea' as one which would eventually 'take the place of ruinous class warfare'; whilst Benito Mussolini, in typically extravagant fashion, declared that 'the Corporative System is destined to become the civilization of the twentieth century.'"
- ^ Lyons, Matthew N.. "What is Fascism? Some General Ideological Features". PublicEye.org. Political Research Associates. http://www.publiceye.org/eyes/whatfasc.html. Retrieved 2009-10-27.
- ^ a b Griffin, Roger: "The Palingenetic Core of Fascism", Che cos'í¨ il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, Ideazione editrice, Rome, 2003 AH.Brookes.ac.uk
- ^ a b Stackleberg, Rodney: Hitler's Germany, Routeledge, 1999, p 3
- ^ a b Eatwell, Roger: "A 'Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism', The Fascism Reader, Routledge, 2003 pp 71-80 Books.google.com
- ^ a b Lipset, Seymour: "Fascism as Extremism of the Middle Class", The Fascism Reader, Routledge, 2003, pp 112-116
- ^ Benito Mussolini's Doctrine of Fascism regards fascism as right-wing and collectivist, but it also declares that fascism is sympathetic to ameliorating the conditions that brought about the rise of left-wing political movements, such as class conflict socialism and liberal democracy, while simultaneously opposing the egalitarianism associated with the left. "We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the 'right', a Fascist century." ... "We are free to believe that this is the 'collective' century, and thus the century of the state. It is eminently reasonable for a new doctrine to make use of still-vital elements from other doctrines," ... " "Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State-a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values-interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people." (p. 14) "The Fascist negation of socialism, democracy, liberalism, should not, however, be interpreted as implying a desire to drive the world backwards to positions occupied prior to 1789, a year commonly referred to as that which opened the demo-liberal century. History does not travel backwards. The Fascist doctrine has not taken De Maistre as its prophet. Monarchical absolutism is of the past, and so is ecclesiolatry. Dead and done for are feudal privileges and the division of society into closed, uncommunicating castes. Neither has the Fascist conception of authority anything in common with that of a police ridden State." ... "Fascism is therefore opposed to Socialism to which unity within the State (which amalgamates classes into a single economic and ethical reality) is unknown, and which sees in history nothing but the class struggle. Fascism is likewise opposed to trade unionism as a class weapon. But when brought within the orbit of the State, Fascism recognises the real needs which gave rise to socialism and trade-unionism, giving them due weight in the guild or corporative system in which divergent interests are coordinated and harmonised in the unity of the State." (p.15) "In rejecting democracy Fascism rejects the absurd conventional lie of political equalitarianism, the habit of collective irresponsibility, the myth of felicity and indefinite progress." ... "Fascism denies that numbers, as such, can be the determining factor in human society; it denies the right of numbers to govern by means of periodical consultations; it asserts the irremediable and fertile and beneficent inequality of men who cannot be leveled by any such mechanical and extrinsic device as universal suffrage." Doctrine of Fascism.
- ^ Sternhell, Zeev; Sznajder, Mario; Ashéri, Maia; Massel, David (translation). The birth of fascist ideology: from cultural rebellion to political revolution. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press: 1994. pp. 190-193.
- ^ Payne, Stanley G. A history of fascism, 1914-1945. Oxon: The Board of Regents of the University of Wisconson System, 2005 (digital edition). p. 112.
- ^ a b GrÄich, Joseph. Ethics and political theory. Lanham, Maryland, USA: University of America, Inc, 2000. p. 120
- ^ Griffin, Roger (ed.); Feldman, Matthew (ed.). Fascism: Fascism and culture. London, UK; New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. p. 185.
- ^ Mussolini, Benito. 1935. Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions. Rome: Ardita Publishers. p 14. "The Fascist conception of the State is all-embracing; outside of it no human or spiritual values can exist, much less have value. Thus understood, Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State-a synthesis and a unit inclusive of all values-interprets, develops, and potentiates the whole life of a people."
- ^ Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Legal Basis of the Total State" - by Carl Schmitt. Fascism. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 72."Nazi political theorist Carl Schmitt described the Nazi intention to form a "strong state which guarantees a totality of political unity transcending all diversity" in order to avoid a "disasterous pluralism tearing the German people apart."
- ^ De Grand, Alexander. Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany: the "fascist" style of rule. Routledge, 2004. p. 28.
- ^ Kent, Allen; Lancour, Harold; Nasri, William Z. Encyclopedia of Library and Information Science: Volume 62 - Supplement 25 - Automated Discourse Generation to the User-Centered Revolution: 1970-1995. CRC Press, 1998. ISBN 0824720628, 9780824720629. p. 69.
- ^ a b c "Pax Romanizing". TIME Magazine, 31 December 1934. The Fascist International declared their opposition to the seeking of autonomy and cultural distinction of Jewish groups in Europe, claiming that such attempts were dangerous and an affront to national unity.
- ^ Griffin, Roger. The Nature of Fascism. New York, New York, USA: St. Martins Press, 1991. Pp. 222-223.
- ^ Walter Laqueur, Walter. Fascism: A Readers' Guide : Analysis, Interpretations, Bibliography. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press, 1976 (first edition, 1978 (paperback edition). Pp. 338.
- ^ Gregor, Anthony James. Mussolini's intellectuals: fascist social and political thought. Princeton University Press, 2004. Pp. 172.
- ^ a b Welch, David. Modern European History, 1871-2000. p. 57. Books.Google.com (Speaks of fascism opposing capitalism for creating class conflict and communism for exploiting class conflict).
- ^ Peter Davies, Derek Lynch. The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge, 2002. p. 146
- ^ Heywood, Andrew. Key Concepts in Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, 2000. p. 78
- ^ Gregor. Mussolini's Intellectuals: Fascist Social and Political Thought, Princeton University Press, 2005 ISBN 0691120099 282 p. 4
- ^ George Orwell, What is Fascism? http://www.orwell.ru/library/articles/As_I_Please/english/efasc
- ^ New World, Websters (2005). Webster's II New College Dictionary. Houghton Mifflin Reference Books. ISBN 0618396012.
- ^ Payne, Stanley (1995). A History of Fascism, 1914-45. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299148742.
- ^ Doordan, Dennis P (1995). In the Shadow of the Fasces: Political Design in Fascist Italy. The MIT Press. ISBN 0299148742.
- ^ Parkins, Wendy (2002). Fashioning the Body Politic: Dress, Gender, Citizenship. Berg Publishers. ISBN 1859735878.
- ^ Gregor, A. James (2002). Phoenix: Fascism in Our Time. Transaction Publishers. ISBN 0765808552.
- ^ a b Payne, Stanley G (1983). Fascism, Comparison and Definition. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299080641.
- ^ a b Griffiths, Richard. An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism. Duckworth.
- ^ Roger Griffin, The palingenetic core of generic fascist ideology, Chapter published in Alessandro Campi (ed.), Che cos'í¨ il fascismo? Interpretazioni e prospettive di ricerche, Ideazione editrice, Roma, 2003, pp. 97-122.
- ^ a b Paxton, Robert. The Anatomy of Fascism. Vintage Books.
- ^ Eatwell, Roger: "A Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism", The Fascism Reader, Routledge, 2003, p 79. Books.Google.com
- ^ Turner, Stephen P., Kí¤sler, Dirk: Sociology Responds to Fascism, Routledge. 2004, p 222
- ^ Weber, Eugen. Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century, New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, [1964] 1982. p. 8.
- ^ Renton, David. Fascism: Theory and Practice, London: Pluto Press, 1999.
- ^ Jenkins, Brian (ed). France in the Era of Fascis', Oxford: Beghahan Books, 2005, p 66.
- ^ Stackleberg, Roderick: Hitler's Germany, London: Routeledge, 1999, p 17
- ^ Stanley G. Payne, Fascism: Comparison and Definition. University of Wisconsin Press, 1983, p3.
- ^ Roger Griffin, Interregnum or Endgame?: Radical Right Thought in the 'Post-fascist' Era, The Journal of Political Ideologies, vol. 5, no. 2, July 2000, pp. 163-78
- ^ 'Non Angeli, sed Angli: the neo-populist foreign policy of the "New" BNP', in Christina Liang (ed.) Europe for the Europeans: the foreign and security policy of the populist radical right (Ashgate, Hampshire, 2007) ISBN 0754648516
- ^ Laqueur, Walter. ''Fascism Past, Present and Future'', Oxford, OUP, 1997
- ^ Stanley G. Payne, Fascism: Comparison and Definition. University of Wisconsin Press. 1983. ISBN 9780299080648. p. 8 an 104
- ^ Books.google.com
- ^ Stanley G. Payne. Fascism: Comparison and Definition. University of Wisconsin Press. 1983. ISBN 9780299080648. p. 104
- ^ Lipset, Seymour. ''Political Man'', New York, Anchor Books, 1960, p 141
- ^ Griffin, Roger. ''The Nature of Fascism'', London, Routeledge, 1991
- ^ a b Griffin, Roger (1991). The Nature of Fascism. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0312071329.
- ^ Counts, George Sylvester (1970). Bolshevism, Fascism, and Capitalism: An Account of the Three Economic Systems. Ayer Publishing. ISBN 0836918665.
- ^ Gregor, A. James (2004). Giovanni Gentile: Philosopher Of Fascism. Transaction Pub. ISBN 0765805936.
- ^ Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy. University of California Press, 2000. Pp. 136.
- ^ Sternhell, Zeev, in Laqueur (ed.), Fascism: A Reader's Guide, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976, pp. 315-76
- ^ Mosse, G: "Toward a General Theory of Fascism", Fascism, ed. Griffin, Routeledge, 2003
- ^ a b Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. Pp. 54.
- ^ Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". A Primer of Italian Fascism. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. Pp. 158-159.
- ^ Books.Google.com "a final indicator of the amibiguity between left and right extremes is that many militants switch sides, including the very founder of fascism, Benito Mussolini" Terrorism today, Christopher C. Harmon, Routledge, 2000 ISBN 0714649988, 9780714649986 316 pages
- ^ Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. Pp. 58.
- ^ Eatwell, Roger: "A Spectral-Syncretic Approach to Fascism", The Fascism Reader, Routledge, 2003, pp 79-80
- ^ Books.Google.com Key concepts in politics, Andrew Heywood, Palgrave Macmillan, 2000 ISBN 0312233817, 9780312233815 281 pages page 28 "various horseshoe shaped and two dimensional spectrums have been developed to offer a more complete picture of ideological positions"
- ^ The Political Compass, Analysis
- ^ "George Orwell: 'What is Fascism?'". Orwell.ru. 8 January 2008. http://orwell.ru/library/articles/As_I_Please/english/efasc.
- ^ Woolf, Stuart (1981). Fascism in Europe. Methuen.
- ^ a b Griffin, Roger (ed.). Linz, Juan. "Crisis of democracy after the First World War". International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus. London: Arnold Publishers, 1998. pp. 177-178.
- ^ Turner, Stephen P. (ed.); Kí¤sler, Dirk (ed.). Sociology Responds to Fascism. Routledge. p. 128.
- ^ Griffin, Roger (ed.). Linz, Juan. "Crisis of democracy after the First World War". International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus. London: Arnold Publishers, 1998. pp. 176, 180.
- ^ a b Griffin, Roger (ed.). Linz, Juan. "Crisis of democracy after the First World War". International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus. London: Arnold Publishers, 1998. p. 180.
- ^ Turner, Stephen P. (ed.); Kí¤sler, Dirk (ed.). Sociology Responds to Fascism. Routledge. pp. 128, 131.
- ^ A. Rocco, The Political Doctrine of Fascism, 1925
- ^ Benito Mussolini, The Doctrine of Fascism, 1932
- ^ Giovanni Gentile, The Philosophic Basis of Fascism, 1928
- ^ Benito Mussolini, The Doctrine of Fascism, 1932, translated in The Social and Political Doctrines of Contemporary Europe, 1939, ed. Michael Oakeshott, Cambridge University Press
- ^ Ludwig, Emile; Mussolini, Benito. Talks with Mussolini. Boston: Little Brown & Company, 1933. p. 130.
- ^ Jayapalan, N. Plato. New Delhi, India: Atlantic Publishers and Distributers, 1999. p. 81.
- ^ Aron, Raymond Main Currents in Sociological Thought: Durkheim, Pareto, Weber. Vol. 2. New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA: Transaction Publishers, 2009 (3rd ed.). p. 194-195.
- ^ a b c d e Mussolini, Benito; Sarfatti, Margherita G; Whyte, Frederic (translator). The Life of Benito Mussolini. Kessinger Publishing: 1925 (original), 2004. p. 102.
- ^ Griffin, Miriam. A Companion to Julius Caesar. Oxford, UK; West Sussex, UK; Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, Ltd, 2009. p. 437.
- ^ Wyke, Maria. Julius Caesar in western culture. Malden, Massachusetts, USA; Oxford, England, UK; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Ltd, 2006. Pp. 249.
- ^ Borgese, G. A. Goliath - The March of Fascism. New York, USA: Viking Press, 2007. p. 242.
- ^ Wyke, Maria. Julius Caesar in western culture. Malden, Massachusetts, USA; Oxford, England, UK; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Ltd, 2006. Pp. 249.
- ^ Wyke, Maria. Julius Caesar in western culture. Malden, Massachusetts, USA; Oxford, England, UK; Carlton, Victoria, Australia: Blackwell Publishing, Ltd, 2006. Pp. 249.
- ^ Mussolini, Benito; Sarfatti, Margherita G; Whyte, Frederic (translator). The Life of Benito Mussolini. Kessinger Publishing: 1925 (original), 2004. p. 132.
- ^ Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 236.
- ^ a b c Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 241.
- ^ Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 241.
- ^ Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 242.
- ^ Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 242-243.
- ^ a b c Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 249.
- ^ Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 249.
- ^ Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 250.
- ^ Golomb, Jacob; Wistrich, Robert S. Nietzsche, godfather of fascism?: on the uses and abuses of a philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University Press, 2002. p. 237.
- ^ a b Talmon, Jacob Leib. The Myth of the Nation and Vision of Revolution: Ideological Polarization in the Twentieth Century. New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA: Transaction Publishers, 1991. pp. 451-452.
- ^ a b c d Payne, Stanley. A history of fascism, 1914-1945. UCL Press Ltd, 1995 (original); Digital Printing, 2005. p. 28
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- ^ Pugliese, Stanislao G. Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Lanham, Maryland, USA: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc, 2004. p. 25-27.
- ^ a b Hewitt, Andrew. Fascist Modernism: Aesthetics, Politics, and the Avant-Garde. Stanford, California, USA: Stanford University Press, 1993. p. 144
- ^ Pugliese, Stanislao G. Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Lanham, Maryland, USA: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc, 2004. p. 25
- ^ Ebenstein, William. 1964. Today's Isms: Communism, Fascism, Capitalism, and Socialism. Prentice Hall (original from the University of Michigan). p. 178. Books.Google.com
- ^ Oliver Zimmer, Nationalism in Europe, 1890-1940 (London, Palgrave, 2003), chapter 4, pp. 80-107.
- ^ Laqueuer, Walter (1997). Fascism: Past, Present, Future. Oxford University Press. ISBN 019511793X. p. 223
- ^ "Fascism". Encyclopí¦dia Britannica. 8 January 2008. http://search.eb.com/eb/article-9117286.
- ^ Passmore, Kevin (2002). Fascism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0192801554. http://books.google.com/books?id=EQG0AAAACAAJ&dq=A+Very.
- ^ Griffen, Roger (ed). Fascism. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN0192892495. p. 44.
- ^ Griffen, Roger (ed). Fascism. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN0192892495. p. 183.
- ^ "Goebbels on National-Socialism, Bolshevism and Democracy, Documents on International Affairs, vol. II, 1938, pp. 17-19. Accessed from the Jewish Virtual Library on February 5, 2009. JewishVirtualLibrary.org Joseph Goebbels describes the Nazis as being allied with countries which had "authoritarian nationalist" ideology and conception of the state.
- ^ Griffen, Roger (ed). Fascism. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN0192892495. p. 236.
- ^ Fordham.edu
- ^ Kershaw, Ian. 2000. Hitler, 1889-1936: Hubris. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 442. Books.Google.com
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- ^ Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Legal Basis of the Total State" - by Carl Schmitt. Fascism. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 72.
- ^ Griffen, Roger (ed). 1995. "The Need for a Totalitarian Japan" - by Nakano Seigo. Fascism. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 239.
- ^ Griffen, Roger (ed.). Fascism. Oxford University Press, 1995. p. 59.
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- ^ Rimlinger, G.V. ''Social Policy Under German Fascism'' in Stagnation and Renewal in Social Policy: The Rise and Fall of Policy Regimes by Martin Rein, Gosta Esping-Andersen, and Lee Rainwater, p. 61, M.E. Sharpe, 1987.
- ^ Gentile, Emilio. The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism, and Fascism. p. 86. Books.Google.com
- ^ Knight, Patricia Mussolini and Fascism, p. 72, Routledge, 2003.
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- ^ Payne, Stanley G. 1996. A History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Routledge p. 220. Books.Google.com
- ^ Pauley, 2003. 117-119.
- ^ Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldma Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science, 2004 Taylor and Francis
- ^ Evans, pg. 299
- ^ Domarus, Hitler II. 251-252
- ^ De Grazia, Victoria. 2002. How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945. University of California Press. p. 55.
- ^ Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of Northern Carolina Press, 1995): 30.
- ^ McLaren, Angus, Twentieth-Century Sexuality, p. 139 Blackwell Publishing 1999
- ^ McLaren, Angus, Twentieth-Century Sexuality p. 139 Blackwell Publishing 1999
- ^ Friedlander, Henry (1995). The origins of Nazi genocide: from euthanasia to the final solution. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. p. 30. ISBN 0-8078-4675-9. OCLC 60191622.
- ^ Proctor, Robert E. (1989). Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. p. 366. ISBN 0-674-74578-7. OCLC 20760638. "This emendation allowed abortion only if the woman granted permission, and only if the fetus was not old enough to survive outside the womb. It is unclear if either of these qualifications was enforced."
- ^ Arnot, Margaret; Cornelie Usborne (1999). Gender and Crime in Modern Europe. New York City: Routledge. p. 241. ISBN 1-85728-745-2. OCLC 249726924.
- ^ Proctor, Robert E. (1989). Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. pp. 122-123. ISBN 0-674-74578-7. OCLC 20760638. "Abortion, in other words, could be allowed if it was in the interest of racial hygiene! the Nazis did allow (and in some cases even required) abortions for women deemed racially inferior! On November 10, 1938, a Luneberg court declared abortion legal for Jews."
- ^ Tierney, Helen (1999). Women's studies encyclopedia. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 589. ISBN 0-313-31072-6. OCLC 38504469. "In 1939, it was announced that Jewish women could seek abortions, but non-Jewish women could not."
- ^ Roger Griffin, The `post-fascism' of the Alleanza Nazionale: a case-study in ideological morphology, Journal of Political Ideologies, Vol. 1, No. 2, 1996
- ^ a b Gori, Gigliola. Italian fascism and the female body: sport, submissive women and strong mothers. Routledge, 2004. p. 58
- ^ Gori, Gigliola. Italian fascism and the female body: sport, submissive women and strong mothers. Routledge, 2004. pp. 144-145.
- ^ a b Gori, Gigliola. Italian fascism and the female body: sport, submissive women and strong mothers. Routledge, 2004. p. 145.
- ^ Bollas, Christopher. 1993. Being a Character: Psychoanalysis and Self-Experience. Routledge. ISBN 0415088151, 9780415088152. p. 205.
- ^ McDonald, Harmish. 1999. Mussolini and Italian Fascism. Nelson Thornes. p. 27.
- ^ Mann, Michael. Fascists. Cambridge University Press, 2004. p. 101.
- ^ Durham, Martin. Women and fascism. Routledge, 2004. p. 15.
- ^ Durham, Martin. Women and fascism. Routledge, 1998. p. 15.
- ^ Evans, 331-332
- ^ Ann Taylor Allen. Review of Dagmar Herzog, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germay (broken link) H-German, H-Net Reviews, January 2006
- ^ Hau, Michael, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany (review) Modernism/modernity - Volume 14, Number 2, April 2007, pp. 378-380, The Johns Hopkins University Press
- ^ McDonald, 1999. p. 27.
- ^ Evans, pg. 529
- ^ Ann Taylor Allen. Review of Dagmar Herzog, Sex after Fascism January 2006
- ^ Baumslag, Naomi; Pellgrino, Edmund D. 2005. Murderous medicine: Nazi doctors, human experimentation, and typhus. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 37. Claims Nazi scientific reasoning for racial policy was pseudoscience
- ^ Lancaster, Roger N.The Trouble of Nature: Sex in Science and Popular Culture. University of California Press. p. 10. Claims that Nazi scientific reasoning for anti-homosexual policy was pseudoscience
- ^ http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/article.php?ModuleId=10005261
- ^ Gottlieb, Julie V., Linehan, Thomas P. p. 93.
- ^ Volovici, Nationalist Ideology, p. 98, citing N. Cainic, Ortodoxie şi etnocraţie, pp. 162-4.
- ^ Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945, Taylor & Francis, 2003, p. 168.
- ^ The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right (2002) by Peter Jonathan Davies and Derek Lynch, Routledge (UK), ISBN 0415214947 p.143.
- ^ Payne, Stanley (1996). A History of Fascism. Routledge. ISBN 1857285956 p.10
- ^ Pauley. 2003. pp. 72, 84.
- ^ Pauley. 2003. p. 85.
- ^ Pauley. 2003. p. 86.
- ^ Payne, Stanley G. 1996. A History of Fascism, 1914-1945. Routledge. p. 64.
- ^ Robert Eccleshall, Vincent Geoghegan, Richard Jay, Michael Kenny, Iain Mackenzie, Rick Wilford. Political Ideologies: an introduction. 2nd ed. Routledge, 1994. P. 208.
- ^ a b Griffen, Roger (editor). Chapter 8: "Extremism of the Centre" - by Seymour Martin Lipset. International Fascism: Theories, Causes and the New Consensus. Arnold Readers. p. 101.
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- ^ a b c Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy. University of California Press, 2000. p. 136.
- ^ Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy. University of California Press, 2000. p. 137.
- ^ Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". A Primer of Italian Fascism. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. p. 158.
- ^ Mussolini, Benito; Schnapp, Jeffery Thompson (ed.); Sears, Olivia E. (ed.); Stampino, Maria G. (ed.). "Address to the National Corporative Council (14 November 1933) and Senate Speech on the Bill Establishing the Corporations (abridged; 13 January 1934)". A Primer of Italian Fascism. University of Nebraska Press, 2000. pp. 158-159.
- ^ Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. p. 47.
- ^ Peter Davies, Derek Lynch. The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. Routledge, 2002. p. 103
- ^ The Fascism Reader by Aristotle A. Kallis.
- ^ Neocleous, Mark. Fascism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997. pp. 49.
- ^ Vincent, Andrew. Modern Political Ideologies. 3rd edition. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. pp. 158-159.
- ^ Vincent, Andrew. Modern Political Ideologies. 3rd edition. John Wiley & Sons, 2009. p. 160.
- ^ David Baker, "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?", New Political Economy, Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006 , pages 227-250.
- ^ Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945, Taylor & Francis, 2003, p. 168.
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- ^ a b Stanislav Andreski, Wars, Revolutions, Dictatorships, Routledge 1992, page 64
- ^ James A. Gregor, The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 7
- ^ Herbert Kitschelt, Anthony J. McGann. The Radical Right in Western Europe: a comparative analysis. 1996 University of Michigan Press. p. 30
- ^ Tibor Ivan Berend, An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Europe, Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 93
- ^ Italian: Lo Stato corporativo considera l'iniziativa privata, nel campo della produzione, come lo strumento pií¹ utile ed efficiente della Nazione.
- ^ Richard Allen Epstein, Principles for a Free Society: Reconciling Individual Liberty With the Common Good, De Capo Press 2002, p. 168
- ^ Alexander J. De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Routledge, 1995. p. 47.
- ^ De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, pp. 48-51.
- ^ Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. My rise and fall. Da Capo Press, 1998. p. 26.
- ^ a b Knight, Patricia, Mussolini and Fascism, p. 72, Routledge, 2003.
- ^ Pollard, John Francis, The Fascist Experience in Italy, p. 80 Routledge 1998
- ^ a b c Pauley, p113
- ^ de Grazia, Victoria. The Culture of Consent: Mass Organizations of Leisure in Fascist Italy. Cambridge, 1981.
- ^ Kallis, Aristotle, ed. (2003). The Fascism Reader, London: Routledge, pages 391-395.
- ^ Pauley, p113-114
- ^ Social Policy in the Third Reich. The Working Class and the 'National Community - Mason, T.W., Oxford: Berg. 1993, Page 160
- ^ Griffen, Roger; Feldman, Matthew. Fascism: Critical Concepts. p. 353. "When the Russian revolution occurred in 1917 and the 'Democratic' revolution spread after the First World War, anti-bolshevism and anti-egalitarianism rose as very strong "restoration movements" on the European scene. However, by the turn of that century no one could predict that fascism would become such a concrete, political reaction..."
- ^ Hawkins, Mike. Social Darwinism in European and American Thought, 1860-1945: Nature as Model and Nature as Threat. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. p. 285. "Conflict is in fact the basic law of life in all social organisms, as it is of all biological ones; societies are formed, gain strength, and move forwards through conflict; the healthiest and most vital of them assert themselves against the weakest ans less well adapted through conflict; the natural evolution of nations and races takes place through conflict." Alfredo Rocco, Italian Fascist.
- ^ Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, pgs. 27-28
- ^ Evans, pgs. 491-492
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- ^ Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. My rise and fall. Da Capo Press, 1998. pp. 2, 38.
- ^ Griffen, Roger (ed.). Fascism. Oxford University Press, 1995. p. 59.
- ^ Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. My rise and fall. Da Capo Press, 1998. p. 106.
- ^ Benito Mussolini, Richard Washburn Child, Max Ascoli, Richard Lamb. My rise and fall. Da Capo Press, 1998. pp. 105-106.
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- ^ a b c Laqueur, Walter, Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 41 1996 Oxford University Press.
- ^ Turban for the Crown : The Islamic Revolution in Iran by Said Amir Arjomand. pp. 204-9.
- ^ Payne, Stanley, A History of Fascism, 1914-1945, p. 9, Routledge 1996.
- ^ a b Payne, Stanley A History of Fascism, 1914-1945, p. 9, Routledge 1996.
- ^ Laqueur, Walter; Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 42 1996 Oxford University Press.
- ^ Laqueur, Walter, Fascism: Past, Present, Future pp. 31, 42, 1996 Oxford University Press.
- ^ a b Sharkey, Word for Word/The Case Against the Nazis; How Hitler's Forces Planned To Destroy German Christianity, New York Times, January 13, 2002
- ^ The Nazi Master Plan: The Persecution of the Christian Churches, Rutgers Journal of Law and Religion, Winter 2001, publishing evidence compiled by the O.S.S. for the Nuremberg war-crimes trials of 1945 and 1946
- ^ The Religious Affiliation of Adolf Hitler Adherents.com
- ^ Brendon, Piers. The dark valley : a panorama of the 1930s. New York, New York, USA; Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Vintage Books, 2002 (2nd edition). Pp. 128.
- ^ Krauze, Enrique, The Troubling Roots of Mexico's López Obrador: Tropical Messiah, The New Republic June 19, 2006.
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- ^ The New International Yearbook p. 442, Dodd, Mead and Co. 1966.
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- ^ Pollard, John F. (1985). The Vatican and Italian Fascism, 1929-32. Cambridge, USA: Cambridge University Press. p. 53.
- ^ Rochat Giorgio, Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche, Torino, Claudiana, 1990.
- ^ Bracco, Roberto. Persecuzione in Italia . Rome, n.d.
- ^ Rochat, Giorgio. Regime fascista e chiese evangeliche. Torino: Claudiana, 1990.
- ^ Laqueur, Walter, Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 148 1996 Oxford University Press.
- ^ source: Weber, E. "Rumania" in H. Rogger and E. Weber, eds., The European Right: A Historical Profile. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965.
- ^ Nagy-Talavera, N. M. The Green Shirts and the Others. A History of Fascism in Hungary and Rumania. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1970; pp. 247, 266-70.
- ^ Turban for the Crown : The Islamic Revolution in Iran by Said Amir Arjomand. pp. 208-9.
- ^ Hilton, S. "Acao Integralista Brasiliera: Fascism in Brazil, 1932-38" Lusa Brazilian Review, v.9, n.2, 1972: 12.
- ^ Williams, M.T. "Integralism and the Brazilian Catholic Church." Hispanic American Historical Review, v.54, n.3, 1974: pp. 436-40.
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- ^ a b c d e Craughwell, Thomas J., The Gentile Holocaust Catholic Culture, Accessed July 18, 2008
- ^ Griffin, Roger, Fascism, Totalitarianism and Political Religion, p. 7 2005Routledge
- ^ a b Maier, Hans and Jodi Bruhn Totalitarianism and Political Religions, p. 108, 2004 Routledge
- ^ Eatwell, Roger The Nature of Fascism: or Essentialism by Another Name? 2004
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- ^ a b "Mussolini and Fascism in Italy". FSmitha.com. 8 January 2008. http://www.fsmitha.com/h2/ch12.htm.
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- ^ Mediterranean Fascism, 1919-1945, Edited by Charles F. Delzell copyright 1970 p. 7.
- ^ Mediterranean Fascism, 1919-1945, Edited by Charles F. Delzell copyright 1970 p. 8.
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- ^ "Fascist Modernization in Italy: Traditional or Revolutionary". Roland Sarti. 8 January 2008. http://www.jstor.org/pss/1852268.
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- ^ Macdonald, Hamish (1999). Mussolini and Italian Fascism. Nelson Thornes. ISBN 0748733868. http://books.google.com/books?id=221W9vKkWrcC&pg=PT17&lpg=PT17&dq=%22third+way%22+mussolini&source=web&ots=YG16x28rgN&sig=u7p19AE4Zlv483mg003WWDKP8S4&hl=en.
- ^ Copinger, Stewart. The rise and fall of Western colonialism. F.A.Praeger. http://books.google.com/books?id=8tZBAAAAIAAJ&q=italian+empire+colonial+british+french&dq=italian+empire+colonial+british+french&pgis=1.
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- ^ a b Carlsten, 1982. p. 80.
- ^ Nazi foreign policy, 1933-1941: the road to global war. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 10.
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- ^ Scobie, Alexander. Hitler's state architecture: the impact of classical antiquity. Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990. Pp. 22
- ^ Nazi foreign policy, 1933-1941: the road to global war. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 9.
- ^ Nazi foreign policy, 1933-1941: the road to global war. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 9.
- ^ Fortescue, William. The Third Republic in France, 1870-1940: conflicts and continuities. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2000. Pp. 181.
- ^ Nazi foreign policy, 1933-1941: the road to global war. London, England, UK; New York, New York, USA: Routledge, 2004. Pp. 10.
- ^ Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science p. 8, 2004 Taylor and Francis.
- ^ Gilbert Allardyce (1979). "What Fascism Is Not: Thoughts on the Deflation of a Concept". American Historical Review 84 (2): 367-388. doi:10.2307/1855138.
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- ^ Griffin, Roger (2003). Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 0415290198. http://books.google.com/books?id=xeHuSpHzqGUC&pg=PA65&dq=%22claimed+that+Nazism+and+Italian%22&lr=&ei=UhdeSd7XKIuINpaSpDQ&hl=nl.
- ^ Sternhell, Zeev (1996). The Birth of the Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0691044864. http://books.google.com/books?id=hnv0F88nLawC&pg=PA4&dq=%22Fascism+can+in+no+way+be+identified+with+Nazism.+%22&ei=m9jTSLTHOIHCigGv8PjmAw&sig=ACfU3U0_E5NsdBjbVMz_Inbk_I4s4I3OXA.
- ^ Spicer, Kevin P. 2007. Antisemitism, Christian ambivalence, and the Holocaust. Indiana University Press on behalf of the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies. p. 142.[1] (Describes the Romanian Iron Guard as a totalitarian nationalist and anti-Semitic movement.
- ^ Volovici, Nationalist Ideology, p. 98, citing N. Cainic, Ortodoxie şi etnocraţie, pp. 162-4.)
- ^ Ioanid, "The Sacralised Politics of the Romanian Iron Guard".
- ^ a b c Payne, Stanley G. Falange: A History of Spanish Fascism. Textbook Publisherss. ISBN 0758134452. http://books.google.com/books?id=rsHyAAAACAAJ&dq=Spanish+Fascism&lr=.
- ^ "Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista". Britannica.com. 8 January 2008. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/308385/Juntas-de-Ofensiva-Nacional-Sindicalista.
- ^ Loveday, Arthur Frederic. Spain, 1923-1948: Civil War and World War. Boswell Publishing Company. http://books.google.com/books?id=TVhYAAAAMAAJ&q=El+Ausente+primo+de+rivera&dq=El+Ausente+primo+de+rivera&pgis=1.
- ^ Tucker, Spencer (2004). Encyclopedia of World War II: A Political, Social, and Military History. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1576079996. http://books.google.com/books?id=U0xblxV_pLgC&pg=PA8&dq=Spanish+Civil+War+soviet+union+germany+italy&sig=ACfU3U02ykBEvGZ9lWEwfAAeX2WhGpvCoQ.
- ^ Del Boca, Angelo. Fascism Today: A World Survey. Pantheon Books. http://books.google.com/books?id=nadBAAAAIAAJ&q=%22authentic+Falangism%22&dq=%22authentic+Falangism%22&pgis=1.
- ^ Payne, Stanley G (1987). The Franco Regime, 1936-1975. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299110702. http://books.google.com/books?id=mgDWLYcTYIAC&dq=Francisco+Franco+payne&lr=&source=gbs_summary_s&cad=0.
- ^ Laqueur, Walter Fascism: Past, Present, Future p. 13 1996 Oxford University Press
- ^ De Menses, Filipe Ribeiro Franco and the Spanish Civil War, p. 87, Routledge
- ^ Gilmour, David, The Transformation of Spain: From Franco to the Constitutional Monarchy, p. 7 1985 Quartet Books
- ^ Payne, Stanley Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977, p. 476 1999 Univ. of Wisconsin Press
- ^ Payne, Stanley Fascism in Spain, 1923-1977, p. 347, 476 1999 Univ. of Wisconsin Press
- ^ Laqueur, Walter Fascism: Past, Present, Future, p. 13, 1997 Oxford University Press US
- ^ "Spanish Civil War veterans look back", BBC News, 17 March 2006
- ^ a b Chase, Allan. Falange: The Axis Secret Army in the Americas. G.P. Putnam's Sons. http://books.google.com/books?id=2LobAAAAMAAJ&q=%22+South+American+Falange%22&dq=%22+South+American+Falange%22&lr=&pgis=1.
- ^ Gunson, Phil. The Dictionary of Contemporary Politics of South America. Routledge. ISBN 0415028086. http://books.google.com/books?id=tU0OAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA38&dq=Bolivian+Socialist+Falange+Oscar+%C3%9Anzaga&lr=&sig=ACfU3U3iwRJQmel2-H_TR_62Bb1kXYAaeg.
- ^ Robertson, David. A Dictionary of Modern Politics. Routledge. ISBN 185743093X. http://books.google.com/books?id=qHXbGOUuF9YC&pg=PA181&dq=Falange+lebanon&lr=&sig=ACfU3U3TvgSS1Uhu16CWT75Ay7OSKcBEkA#PPA180,M1.
- ^ Dongyoun Hwang. Wang Jingwei, The National Government, and the Problem of Collaboration. Ph.D. Dissertation, Duke University. UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor Michigain. 2000, 118.
- ^ Larsen, Stein Ugelvik (ed.). Fascism Outside of Europe. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. ISBN0880339888. P. 255.
- ^ Larsen, p255.
- ^ Larsen, P. 255
- ^ Larsen, p255.
- ^ Larsen, p255.
- ^ Larsen, p255.
- ^ Larsen, p255.
- ^ a b Griffin, Roger and Matthew Feldman Fascism: Critical Concepts in Political Science p.8, 2004 Taylor and Francis
- ^ Davies, Peter Jonathan and Derek Lynch The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. p. 3, 2002 Routledge
- ^ Davies, Peter Jonathan and Derek Lynch The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. p. 326, 2002 Routledge
- ^ Davies, Peter Jonathan and Derek Lynch The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right. p. 255, 2002 Routledge
- ^ a b Morgan, Philip. Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945. London, UK; New York, USA: Routledge, 2003. p. 170.
- ^ Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascists and Conservatives. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 105.
- ^ Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascists and Conservatives. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.
- ^ Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascists and Conservatives. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 161.
- ^ Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascists and Conservatives. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.
- ^ Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascists and Conservatives. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.
- ^ Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascists and Conservatives. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.
- ^ Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascists and Conservatives. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 165.
- ^ Blinkhorn, Martin. Fascists and Conservatives. Abingdon, England, UK: Routledge, 2001 (2nd edition). Pp. 164.
- ^ a b Tsuzuki, Chushichi. The Pursuit of Power in Japan 1825-1995. Oxford University Press, 2000. P. 244.
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- ^ Tsuzuki, Chushichi. The Pursuit of Power in Japan 1825-1995. Oxford University Press, 2000. P. 245.
Primary sources
- Gentile, Giovanni. 1932. The Doctrine of Fascism. Enciclopedia Italiana.
- de Oliveira Salazar, António. 1939. Doctrine and Action: Internal and Foreign Policy of the New Portugal, 1928-1939. Faber and Faber.
- Mosley, Sir Oswald. 1968. My Life. Nelson Publications.
- de Rivera, José Antonio Primo. 1971. Textos de Doctrina Politica. Madrid.
- Mussolini, Benito. 1998. My Rise And Fall . Da Capo Press. ISBN 0306808641
- Ciano, Galezzo. 2001. The Ciano Diaries, 1939-1943. Simon Publications. ISBN 1931313741
- Mussolini, Benito. 2006. My Autobiography: With "The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism". Dover Publications. ISBN 0486447774
Secondary sources
- Evans, Richard J, The Third Reich in Power: 1933-1939, The Penguin Press HC, 2005
- De Felice, Renzo. 1976. Fascism: An Informal Introduction to Its Theory and Practice. Transaction Books. ISBN 0878556192
- De Felice, Renzo. 1977. Interpretations of Fascism. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674459628.
- Kitsikis, Dimitri. 2005. Pour une étude scientifique du fascisme. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-11-7.
- Kitsikis, Dimitri. 2006. Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les origines franí§aises du fascisme. Ars Magna Editions. ISBN 2-912164-46-X.
- Ben-Am, Shlomo. 1983. Fascism from Above: The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in Spain, 1923-1930. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0198225962
- Payne, Stanley G. 1987. The Franco Regime, 1936-1975. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299110702
- Vatikiotis, Panayiotis J. 1988. Popular Autocracy in Greece, 1936-1941: A Political Biography of General Ioannis Metaxas. Routledge. ISBN 0714648698
- Payne, Stanley G. 1995. A History of Fascism, 1914-45. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299148742
- Costa Pinto, António. 1995. Salazar's Dictatorship and European Fascism: Problems of Interpretation. Social Science Monographs. ISBN 0880339683
- Griffiths, Richard. 2001. An Intelligent Person's Guide to Fascism. Duckworth. ISBN 0715629182
- Lewis, Paul H. 2002. Latin Fascist Elites: The Mussolini, Franco, and Salazar Regimes. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 027597880X
- Payne, Stanley G. 2003. Falange: A History of Spanish Fascism. Textbook Publishers. ISBN 0758134452
- Paxton, Robert O. 2005. The Anatomy of Fascism. Vintage Books. ISBN 1400033918
- Eatwell, Roger. 1996. Fascism: A History. New York: Allen Lane.
- Nolte, Ernst The Three Faces Of Fascism: Action Franí§aise, Italian Fascism, National Socialism, translated from the German by Leila Vennewitz, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965.
- Reich, Wilhelm. 1970. The Mass Psychology of Fascism. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux.
- Seldes, George. 1935. Sawdust Caesar: The Untold History of Mussolini and Fascism. New York and London: Harper and Brothers.
- Alfred Sohn-Rethel Economy and Class Structure of German Fascism, London, CSE Bks, 1978 ISBN 0906336007
- Kallis, Aristotle A. ," To Expand or Not to Expand? Territory, Generic Fascism and the Quest for an 'Ideal Fatherland'" Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 38, No. 2. (Apr., 2003), pp. 237-260.
- Fritzsche, Peter. 1990. Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505780-5
- Griffin, Roger. 2000. "Revolution from the Right: Fascism," chapter in David Parker (ed.) Revolutions and the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560-1991, Routledge, London.
- Laqueur, Walter. 1966. Fascism: Past, Present, Future, New York: Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. ISBN 0-19-511793-X
- Sauer, Wolfgang "National Socialism: totalitarianism or fascism?" pages 404-424 from The American Historical Review, Volume 73, Issue #2, December 1967.
- Sternhell, Zeev with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri. [1989] 1994. The Birth of Fascist Ideology, From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution., Trans. David Maisei. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
- Baker, David. "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" New Political Economy, Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006 , pages 227 - 250
- Griffin, Roger. 1991. The Nature of Fascism. New York: St. Martin's Press.
- Weber, Eugen. [1964] 1985. Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century, New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, (Contains chapters on fascist movements in different countries.)
- Gentile, Emilio. 2005. The Origins of Fascist Ideology, 1918-1925: The First Complete Study of the Origins of Italian Fascism, New York: Enigma Books, ISBN 978-1-929631-18-6
External links
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Look up fascism in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. |
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